WUNRN
POLICY ANALYSIS &
RECOMMENDATIONS FOR POST-TRANSITIONAL PEACE & DEMOCRACY IN EGYPT, LIBYA,
SYRIA, & YEMEN
Karama’s mission is to build upon and strengthen approaches to raise and expand the influence of Arab women as leaders in regional and international contexts. In amplifying their voices and skills, Karama acts as a catalyst to end violence against women in the Middle East and North Africa by bringing together key civil society groups and enhancing their capacity for collaboration.
The question of how to
support the progress of national stability, broker long-term peace and
reconciliation, and engender the basic values of freedom, equality, and
democracy sought on the outset of the Arab revolutions remain unanswered. In
Syria, where the situation has devolved into a bloody civil war on the brink of
international intervention, in Egypt, where the fallout from Morsi's ousting
continues, in Libya, where the road toward an inclusive constitution has been
rocky, and in Yemen, where the national reconciliation dialogue for peace has
stopped and started too many times, it is urgent that this looming uncertainty
is immediately addressed.
Karama has worked to analyze evolving situations in these
countries and propose recommendations that respond to country-specific
complexities, opportunities, and threats in an effort to support local
priorities. The result is three policy papers setting forth recommendations
that take into account harsh realities on the ground in Libya, Syria and Yemen
and sharing insights on how the local and international communities can be most
effective and impactful in helping to support peace making, reconciliation, and
rebuilding. We also developed a brief statement on the situation in Egypt, as, newly
ignited, it is still evolving, in a direction both unexpected and
unpredictable.
It has been said over and over again that the revolutions were
for the people, by the people, and fueled by a shared hope for a better every
day life for every day men, women, and children. It is with fast, disciplined,
and long-term action that we can together realize the goals of the revolutions
and ensure that they are aligned with national prosperity, stability, and
security. Together, we can realize the dreams of every day individuals to live
without fear.
Salamat,
Hibaaq Osman
Inclusivity in Yemen
While revolution in Yemen
showed early signs of success, ex-President Saleh's regime and supporters
continue to be important power brokers. The situation has led to an extended
period of skepticism regarding the current regime and the National Dialogue
Conference. In the absence of a viable transition agreement, and with ongoing
concerns over a lack of inclusivity in the reconciliation dialogue and
deep-rooted socio-economic challenges from unemployment to rising poverty,
Yemen’s future remains largely undetermined.
Summary of Recommendations:
1.
Balance concerns over
inclusivity by protecting against over-involvement (or perceived involvement)
by foreign and national players.
2.
Support groups that
are marginalized or under-represented by promoting greater political, social
and economic development outside of Sana’a, Support civil society and
facilitate development of non-state movements into cohesive political
parties.
3.
Initiate restructuring
of military apparatus to diffuse divisive attitudes and tensions, and solidify
allegiance to the broader mechanism instead of to high-ranking
individuals.
4.
Leverage local
resources by solidifying and coordinating the fragmented women’s movement and
supporting women's role in the transition.
For the detailed policy paper, please click here
or visit Karama's website
at www.el-karama.org.
The conflict in
Syria has lasted nearly two and a half years and future prospects for peace and
reconciliation look bleak. The Assad regime has demonstrated exceptional
resilience to popular and democratic calls for change, and many stakeholders
believe that the President has turned the revolution into a civil war by proxy.
Meanwhile, the National Coalition (NC) has struggled to provide a compelling
alternative vision around which the opposition can unify.
Summary of
Recommendations:
1.
The international
community must recognize its current strategy of non-involvement is not working
and admit this in order to advance dialogue on what can work and how best to
support the situation in Syria.
2.
The international
community must seek credible Syrian voices to help foster unity and
reconciliation, encouraging women’s involvement and emphasizing their vital
roles.
3.
Stakeholders must
create an alternative narrative, emphasizing the path to peace instead of
condemning the path toward extremism.
4.
Stakeholders must act
with speed and flexibility, and in partnership with the NC and grassroots civil
society.
For the detailed policy
paper, please click here
or visit Karama's website.
Libya’s trajectory down the path of transition remains a rocky
one. In terms of security, cities such as Benghazi have been liberated for over
two years and yet continue struggling under higher levels of insecurity and
instability than ever before. In politics, initial calls for democracy have
turned into political party infighting within the legislative bodies.
Economically, Libya continues to underperform—investment is reappearing but cash
flow is still a major concern for government. The average Libyan remains
unconvinced that he or she is financially better off under the
post-revolutionary government.
However, it is at the social level that some of the most
worrying changes have taken place. Although initially unified and empowered in
opposition towards the Gaddafi regime, the Libyan public has subsequently lost
control of the transitional process. Power has moved from the masses to a
plurality of groups, many of which operate without public consensus. This,
along with government failure to fulfill mainstream expectations quickly, has
frustrated Libyans.
Summary of Recommendations:
1.
Provide greater
support and visibility to appropriate women’s rights champions and leaders.
2.
Combat the public
perception of political party infighting and divisiveness in order to foster
unity by emphasizing national processes and policies; creating pan-national
civil society groups who coordinate and build upon each other’s work; and
identifying community members who can gain engagement and trust of broader
groups.
3.
Acknowledge there is a
growing issue of extremism coming out of the current situation, particularly
within vulnerable communities who do not have strong alternatives.
4.
Foster greater transparency
and accuracy in information-reporting and sharing via media training and
through cross-exchange of lessons learned by members of civil society.
For the detailed policy paper, please
click here
or visit Karama's website.
The latest events in
Egypt have continued to polarize opinions as both Egyptians and the
international community struggle to establish exactly what is taking place in
Um al Donya (“mother of the world”). Specifically, commentators argue over the
legitimacy of the military – are the Armed Forces carrying out a coup or just
implementing a form of accelerated hard democracy? Can such rough handling of
the Muslim Brotherhood even be categorised as democratic action any more? The
line that already shifted seems to have disappeared altogether.
Karama believes that such
commentators are asking the wrong questions and focusing on the symptoms rather
than the cause. Every nation must strive for strong institutions such as a functional
judiciary, an empowered civil society, experienced media bodies and, of course,
mature and inclusive political structures. The reality is that Egypt does not
have the luxury of such institutions, and while these remain absent it is
unrealistic to expect transition to occur in a controlled and peaceful manner.
It is entirely possible that Egypt is trying to move in the right direction but
just lacks the tools to do so in the right way.
Summary of
Recommendations regarding what Egypt Needs Now:
1.
Encouragement and
support for the emergence of transparent and mature reporting mechanisms,
starting with both domestic and international media but also including critical
groups within civil society.
2.
Initiatives to empower
and include key target audiences, starting with Egyptian women.
3.
Accountability in the
form of efficient judicial processes.
For the full statement on the situation in Egypt, please
click here.
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