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UNRISD - Policy Brief 11

http://www.unrisd.org/publications/rpb11e

 

Full Document: http://www.unrisd.org/80256B3C005BCCF9/httpNetITFramePDF?ReadForm&parentunid=EE0F97F51F026825C1257894004E4F69&parentdoctype=brief&netitpath=80256B3C005BCCF9/(httpAuxPages)/EE0F97F51F026825C1257894004E4F69/$file/RPB11e.pdf

 

RELIGION, POLITICS & GENDER EQUALITY

 

EXCERPTS: Contrary to modernist predictions that religion would retreat into a private zone of worship and practice, recent decades have seen religion become increasingly salient on the political stage worldwide. Does this matter? From the point of view of women’s rights and gender equality, much is at stake. UNRISD research shows that politicized religion impinges on women’s rights in problematic ways. The challenge to gender equality comes not just from fundamentalist agendas, but also from those who instrumentalize women’s rights for political ends.

While religious attachments and practices may have weakened in some geographical regions (most notably in Western Europe), on a global scale they seem to have persisted, if not intensified. Moreover, religious actors and movements have gained prominence on the political stage over the past three decades. This “de-privatization” of religion puts into question the prediction that sweeping secularization would be the inevitable companion to development.

What are the social and political implications of religion assuming prominent and contested political roles? Has the spread of politicized religion made it harder for women to pursue equality with men?

Some observers see incompatibilities between democracy, human rights and gender equality, on the one hand, and a world in which religion plays an active role in public affairs, on the other.

Others ask whether it is useful to see religion as the nemesis of gender equality, and secularism as the precondition for it. Questioning the opposition between a “religious Right” and a “secular Left”, they provide a more nuanced assessment that recognizes the need for greater attention to women’s agency and engagement with religion in ways that may be empowering. Many observers now agree that banning religion from the public arena of citizen deliberation and association is problematic from a democratic point of view, and ultimately counter-productive. Some even argue that religion can be a counterweight to the institutions of the state and the market, revitalizing public debate on their workings and social implications.

In addition, where states have failed to deliver physical security, welfare provisioning or a sense of national belonging, faith-based groups have enjoyed a revival as they have rushed in to fill the gaps. The resilience of these groups, their ingenuity in substituting for state services (be it health, education or some minimal form of social protection) and their effectiveness in providing members with a sense of dignity and purpose, can render.

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Policy Implications

The authority of religion has been used too often to dictate how women should relate to their parents and husbands, whether and what they can study, where they can go, and what they can wear. The language of religion has even been invoked to condone various forms of violence against women. Individual rights provide necessary protection from such interference. The discourse of rights is not restricted to Western liberalism, nor do Western countries have a monopoly over rights—the global human rights conventions reflect the struggles of diverse movements, across North-South and East-West divides, and rights can be formulated and argued in both religious and nonreligious terms.

Hence, the protection of human rights has to be given priority, particularly when it comes to claims made in the name of religion (and culture).

The connections between economic, social, civil and political rights are particularly clear in women’s lives. Yet in many contexts the state has done far too little to provide the infrastructure, social services and access to justice needed to substantiate rights and thus give them meaning. Where class bias enables betterconnected, more affluent people to flout the law while the poor are penalized, and where the state and its resources mean one thing for the poor and another for the rich, the vacuum can be easily filled by morally conservative elements. 

It is the duty of the state to provide inclusive social and economic programmes that meet people’s needs in a dignified manner.

Women’s rights and human rights advocates need to engage more forcefully with livelihood issues and popular concerns about unemployment, lack of services and insecurity.

This Research and Policy Brief draws attention to ways in which gender equality has been instrumentalized— whether to repress marginalized ethnic/religious groups, or to advance particular political agendas.

In such contexts it becomes even more important for women’s rights advocates working with governments, international NGOs or regional and international agencies to learn from grassroots women’s advocacy groups that are familiar with the constraints of their localities.

In recent years a diverse range of development actors, from NGOs to governments and international agencies, have entered into alliances with faith-based organizations in order to further their mandates (from health services to post-conflict rehabilitation). Such alliances are frequently justified in the name of pragmatism. But this is not sufficient.

A useful guiding principle here is the following: the alliance should work not only for the immediate objective (for example, reaching women and their families), but also in terms of its long-term transformative effects (such as expanding women’s options). Organizations must be vigilant to avoid achieving immediate objectives at the expense of legitimizing structures and/or principles that are inimical to gender equality.

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