WUNRN
Nazra for Feminist Studies
Egypt - Position Paper on Sexual
Violence Against Women and the Increasing Frequency of Gang Rape in Tahrir
Square and Is Environs
The painful experience of
the past few months has highlighted several new facts that we wish to raise ,
as part of a larger dialogue on these horrendous crimes and what they mean to
us as women, human rights defenders, who are also part various revolutionary
movements that describe themselves as supportive of women’s issues. Nazra has
chosen to present these opinions and preliminary recommendations in a position
paper that is based on the experience of the Nazra field teams and working
groups. This paper adopts a feminist perspective that believes women’s issues
are, first and foremost, political issues in the broadest sense , which
includes, in addition to political institutions, agents, and roles, the
general social framework within which political actors operate, and that in
turn, sets the boundaries of this framework with their actions.
This perspective is based on the division of social roles on a class and gender
basis. . Political actors, both men and women, do not operate in a vacuum, but
in the shadow of a patriarchal, classist social reality that both limits and
determines their political actions, and creates opportunities and risks for all
actors, not only women. Since the revolution, women have work tirelessly to break
several barriers limiting their ability to participate in the public sphere.
They have demonstrated high levels of participation in all the
movements and political forums that emerged after the uprising, but they also
paid a high price for such participation, specifically when it comes to their
freedom of movement and the safety and integrity of their bodies. These
heroic acts have endowed women’s voices a new, stronger dimension, made our
cause visible and tangible, and has made our organization necessary. We reject
claims that women’s issues are only a concern of a well-off segment of
middle-class women.
We also reject the rhetoric that women’s rights are the monopoly of
a specific set of women, whether those working in institutional frameworks
(e.g., the National Council for Women) or in rights groups that are active in
only some spheres. We also reject claims that women’s issues can be reduced to
women’s representation in parties or political life.
These developments require an honest discussion that among all of
us Such a discussion cannot be limited to a discussion on how the lack of
security affects the ability of men and women to act in the public sphere , and
how certain actors attempt to terrorize women and break them both
psychologically and physically.
Over the last few months,
Tahrir Square and the surrounding areas has been the locus of terrifying rapes
of unprecedented violence and brutality. These crimes began to become
increasingly ferocious st during the demonstrations in late November 2012.
Several confirmed and documented gang rapes took place in the square and
streets surrounding it in the period from November 21 to 25, amid very weak
condemnations, and the disregard of most official and unofficial parties. As a
result of the general state of denial and collusion, the scope of the crimes
expanded during the demonstrations that marked the second anniversary of the
revolution, which began on January 25, 2013. Several cases of brutal gang rape
were documented, all following a similar pattern and style, and women were
targeted regardless of their political affiliations. Most of the women
assaulted were demonstrators, volunteers with anti-sexual harassment teams in
the square, or women who happened to pass by. Over 19 cases of rape and sexual
assault were confirmed. A preliminary assessment of those horrific crimes and
the methods employed in them indicates a recurring pattern of assault and
suggests that unidentified individuals and groups committing these crimes
approach demonstrations and political events as an opportunity
to assault women.
Assaults became more frequent and expanded to different areas. On the nights of
January 27 and 28, 2013, attempts were made to abduct women at the exits to the
October Bridge at the heart of Cairo, while a meeting of anti-sexual harassment
activists came under assault after one of the participants was harassed, which
led to clashes and attempts to storm the office where the meeting took place.
As feminist activists, we
approach our cause as it is in reality: a public issue that affects all
Egyptian women at, both in the context of their daily movement and bodily
freedom, as well as their ability to benefit from their skills and capacities
as free citizens in a patriarchal society that limits their roles and
contributions.
We view sexual violence as a crime of violence targeting women as women, which
we believe cannot be separated from the general societal view of women and
their bodies as inferior to men.We also view sexual violence as violent crime
first and foremost, directed against women as women. For us, the issue
transcends the isolated incident (rape) and the location (Tahrir Square and
demonstrations) to comprise sexual violence as a crime faced by women from all
wakes of life every day, whether in the street, at work, or in any public
capacity.
We believe that this social climate, which has begun to resemble a daily
psychological war on women, has directly fostered these crimes and led to their
present brutal incarnation. Sexual harassment is a constant in the life of any
Egyptian woman regardless of her social status or class. In turn, we cannot
view these reprehensible acts separately from the general climate in which
women fight daily simply for the right to be present on the street without
threats, harassment, or verbal or physical harm.
Women took part in the revolution and were publicly active throughout the past
decades, but the price of this participation was continuous attempts to exclude
them from the public space by reactionary political movements or social
forces. The recent increase in the frequency and vehemence of crimes
confirms our view, and threatens the rise of a wave of rampant sexual violence
against women in Egypt’s streets if the silence and disregard continues.
While we recognize the political nature of the crimes in the Tahrir area, we
cannot separate this from the general harassment women face in Egypt in the
public sphere. The most recent incidents are simply a repugnant expression of
what can happen once women’s issues are ignored and not discussed as part
of a larger public debate. In our view, those recent events are a
brutal escalation of the widespread social pathology that is sexual violence.
Societal collusion in sexual harassment and violence has made it easier for
these crimes to reach t such an extreme, which is now difficult to treat with
direct intervention. The discounting of harassment and sexual assault has only
encouraged the emergence of brutal gang rape at political events. This
development, then, must be recognized by all, and addressed with the utmost
seriousness. Although we realize that the issue of sexual harassment and sexual
crimes are complex and require long-term interventions and solutions, among
them changing the patriarchal social culture, we also believe that awareness
and recognition of the increasing frequency of these crimes, in and out of the
square and in demonstrations and Egyptian streets, should be part of the
discourse of any force or group that seeks to confront this phenomenon. No
genuine discourse that seeks to effectively intervene can be created without
putting the issue of sexual violence in its comprehensive social framework.
From this perspective, we wish to discuss the reactions of all political and
revolutionary forces that have engaged with this issue over the past two years.
Assaults against women have increased gradually amid the silence and disregard
of various movements, forces, and individuals calling for sit-ins and
demonstrations. Incidents of sexual harassment long ago began to become more
organized and collective, and they have been observed since Mubarak’s ouster in
February 2011, to the extent that sexual harassment has now become an
unfortunate, but expected element at any political event or activity. Now
routine, such incidents occasion no more than a brief lament or rote
condemnation, not followed by any recognition on the part of civil parties,
forces, and groups that these incidents have officially become a phenomenon,
let alone any serious attempts to address the problem.
While sexual harassment and violence against women has been increasing since
February 2011, movements and groups formed in an attempted to address the
phenomenon have sought to draw attention to the danger of what is happening and
its mounting frequency and ferocity. These groups have made efforts to stage
direct interventions to rescue victims and offer material, medical, and psychological
support to victims of violent abuses. Yet these serious efforts have been met
with either disregard, fleeting interest, or veiled warnings against discussing
the issue widely, in fear that some may interpret this as a call for women to
withdraw or abstain from demonstrations and political events.
Given our feminist view of the phenomenon, we would like to stress on the fact
that we will not allow our efforts to raise this issue to be exploited by any
party to that seeks to marginalize women, their role, or their right to be
present at any public event. At the same time, we reject any rhetoric of
protection that seeks to exclude women. We insist that both women and men, must
take responsibility for atrocities that will have consequences for everyone and
for the future of political life in Egypt.
We believe that two common discourses are simply two sides of the same coin: a
discourse of protection that encourages fear among women, and thus indirectly
makes them responsible for what happens to them, and a discourse that ignores
the truth of what is happening by praising the bravery of women in standing
against sexual violence without proposing any collective solutions that
make everyone responsible for what is happening. Though steadfast, Egyptian women
will not bear the burden alone, and they will not retreat from the political
sphere to appease the desire of some to ignore the entire problem. Nor will
they stop talking about their own agonies, and the hardship and pain of
being seen as bodies up for grabs in the public sphere or the suffering they
experience as a result of crimes against women in the public sphere.
Here we must discuss
responsibility: who is responsible and what do we think can be done? Given the
frequency and brutality of the most recent incidents, no single feminist,
advocacy, or political group can confront the problem alone. Such a grave
issue requires a serious, collective political debate on how the phenomenon
should be faced. This discussion must leave behind the tendency to blame
certain parties as everyone, men and women, in political parties and
revolutionary movements assumes the burden of both understanding what is
happening and, secondly, confronting it from all its different angles. We
stress that all political groups and parties have a responsibility to
effectively participate, raise these issues, and take necessary action to
address this alarming phenomenon and what lies behind it.
Our view of political responsibility includes a reaction that supports the
efforts of the intervention groups currently bravely working to confront these
incidents despite meager resources and numbers. This support, while important,
must be accompanied by strong efforts on the part of political forces concerned
with issues of freedom and equality to adopt a pro-woman discourse while
discussing ways to confront crimes of sexual violence. We view responsibility
here from a feminist perspective that includes two indivisible parts:
responsibility prior to the incident and responsibility subsequent to it.
Prior responsibility involves contributing to the evolution of a discourse
advanced by all politically and socially relevant parties on women’s political
participation; and what they face as a result of that participation which goes
beyond the dichotomy of protecting women or blaming them for their predicament.
This can be done only through developing a rhetoric of collective
responsibility that recognizes the social and gender dimensions of sexual
violence as a tool of political intimidation. Thus far, the discourse of all
political and revolutionary forces remains unable to engage with feminist
issues, and still refrains from addressing women’s issues in all their
complexity, though it is a principal role of any revolutionary or political
movement to grapple with issues of liberty and equality. Part of prior
responsibility means taking action to secure demonstrations, marches, and
political events to confront sexual violence. This must be a permanent item on
the agenda of political forces and a basic part of the preparations for any
demonstration or political event.
Subsequent responsibility entails a recognition that such reprehensible crimes
do in fact take place and involves exerting pressure for investigations into
these crimes to identify the offenders and hold them accountable and
shouldering political responsibility for the security of demonstrations and
events sponsored by revolutionary movements and bodies. In addition, subsequent
responsibility means addressing the issue of the official media and the
shameful way it covers these crimes. The media either ignores those crimes
entirely or adopt a sensationalist coverage that does not respect the privacy
of those assaulted. Political parties and movements share with us the burden of
confronting these unprofessional media practices, which often entails
additional violations. This is true not only for women who have been attacked,
but for groups that seek to offer aid to them amid difficult conditions, meager
resources, and the lack of any support whatsoever from Egyptian parties and
movements.
Finally, we cannot ignore the responsibility of the state and its institutions
to confront growing sexual violence and guarantee female citizens’ safety and
freedom of movement. While recognizing that the state apparatus targeted women
activists and human rights defenders both before and after the revolution, and
that it has taken no just action to prosecute those responsible for these
crimes, the state still does have a responsibility to investigate these crimes,
identify the perpetrators, and hold them to account. The rape and abuse of
women is an inevitable consequence of the deterioration of the security
situation and the security apparatus, and women are paying a much greater
social price for this than the rest of society.
The events of the past
months require everyone to assume responsibility for thinking about and
discussing these issues before matters deteriorate further. . What we advocate
requires an honest, open discussion of the entire issue of women’s
participation in public life from a gendered perspective, which must be an item
on the agenda of all political forces. The issue must be addressed as
part of the basic responsibility of political forces, which cannot simply
promote a rhetoric that depends on the strength of women to confront these
crimes and places responsibility for overcoming various forms of sexual
violence on their shoulders alone. Political forces must take action to create
an appropriate environment for women’s political participation. Nazra believes
that raising the issue of sexual violence should not only recognize its
particularity and brutality, but also must be a part of the more general
question of women’s political participation. It is neither politically nor
ethically appropriate that everyone should value women’s participation—in
political or party work or as candidates on party lists—or view women as an
active voting constituency without engaging with issues of violence against
women from a feminist perspective.
We stress the need to conduct a serious, honest discussion of what women face
in the public sphere, and what can be done to prevent those horrendous
crimes. . We understand that this discussion depends first and foremost
on a brave refusal to bury our heads in the sand and a believe in the
need to stand up to voices insisting that the issue is trivial or those that
seek to frighten and intimidate women to curtail their participation. At the
same time, this discussion must respect the privacy of those who have been
assaulted, focusing instead on the identity of the perpetrators, their
objectives, and everyone’s responsibility to confront these horrific crimes. We
stress the need to confront all attempts to use this discussion as a means to
“protect” women that may lead to their exclusion or infringe on their right to
demonstrate or take part in various political activities. It is important to
conduct the discussion with recognition that Egypt’s women have and still do
wage daily battles in defense of their space and scope of political action.
They also fight constant battles in and out of demonstrations to participate in
all spheres of life amid countless daily abuses and in a patriarchal society
that still has a long way to go to respect women’s right to be present and
active in both the public and private spheres. We stress that everyone must
assume responsibility for violence that will have an impact on us all, both men
and women.
We urge all political and revolutionary forces to realize that women’s issues
are not a fleeting cause or simply a bargaining chip to be used against
religiously minded political opponents or others. Rather, they are a principal
part of the revolution, of the current political ferment, and of the struggle
for freedom in which women have played such a vital role and for which they
have sacrificed much. Such atrocious crimes of sexual violence cannot be
separated from women’s declining social status. We must all assume responsibility
for this with our words and actions, and we must listen to women rather than
disregard them out of political or tactical considerations. If not, our
struggle for liberty will lose all meaning by losing Egyptian women.
Long live Egypt’s women.
4 Feb 2013 - With this paper, Nazra for Feminist Studies offers a feminist theoretical attempt to understand the rise of sexual violence against women over the past few months. We believe that it is important to raise this issue so that different political actors, even well intentioned ones, do not exploit women’s concerns. We also wish to contribute to a debate that is currently underway on this sensitive issue based on our past experiences in combating violence against women. We welcome such a discussion, having long been advocates of the importance of a feminist debate on violence against women in general. This had always been our position whether through our advocacy efforts in combating violence against women, or supporting women human rights defenders all over Egypt, or through our attempts to link feminist issues to politics by supporting female candidates for office of various political leanings who believe in women’s issues, and place them at the top of their agendas.
On the positive side, new stirrings of a feminist consciousness is emerging and taking shape day after day, constituting an integral part of the current political ferment in Egypt. This is best demonstrated by the fierce counterattack on the social and political gains made by Egyptian women—but we are also witnessing a comprehensive assault on women, one that is most clearly manifested in violence against them, particularly sexual violence.
I. Introduction.
II. What Happened?.
III. A Feminist Perspective on These Crimes and How to Confront Them.
IV. Who is Responsible?.
V. What We Advocate.