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GUATEMALA - SEXUAL VIOLENCE & SLAVERY IN CONFLICT TESTIMONIES - ANALYSIS

17/10/2012 - By Luz Mendez

Fifteen brave Guatemalan women from the indigenous q’eqchí people testified before the High Risk Court in Guatemala City on Sept. 24-28, as part of the first criminal trial for sexual slavery and rape during the armed conflict.

This legal action is historically transcendent, not only for being the first time that sexual violence during the armed conflict in Guatemala has come to trial, but also because it is the first trial for sexual slavery that has been brought to a national court. Previous cases have been presented in international courts.[1]

Rape constituted for many years the hidden dimension of the war in Guatemala. As a result of the joint struggles of indigenous women survivors of sexual violence, and feminist and human rights organizations, it was possible to place the issue of sexual violence before public opinion and begin to break the silence for these crimes against humanity.

The Historical Truth Commission in its report Remembrance of Silence concluded that sexual rape during the armed conflict was a generalized and systematic practice carried out by agents of the State in the framework of the counterinsurgency strategy. Eighty-nine percent of the victims were indigenous women.

The army used the rape of women as a weapon of war. Massive rapes, marked by extreme cruelty, were carried out indiscriminately of women in communities that were targeted by counterinsurgency campaigns. A complex web of oppressions–class, gender and ethnicity– left as a result one of the most ominous chapters of violence against women in Guatemalan history.

Sexual slavery in the Sepur Zarco base

The crimes of sexual slavery and violence against the women who testified in the court took place in the military camp located in the village of Sepur Zarco, Izabal Department, between 1982 and 1988. This military center, installed by the army at the request of large landowners in the area, was used as a center for rest and recreation for the troops, forming part of a circuit of various military encampments in the Northern Transversal Strip. In this region, economic, national and transnational interests converged around mineral and oil extraction and production of agrofuels. In the eighties, the area was the scene of a huge waves of land grabs against the peasant farmer population.

The tragedy for the group of q´eqchí women began in August of 1982. Their husbands were captured illegally by soldiers and local landowners, then later assassinated or forcibly disappeared. They were peasant leaders, who were seeking open and legal land titles for land they had lived on for generations.

After torturing and murdering their husbands, the soldiers burned their houses and their few belongings. One of the women testifying narrated how she and her young children had to live outdoors for more than a year, covered only by pieces of nylon hung from a tree.

The same day that their husbands were captured, the soldiers raped the women in their own homes, in front of their sons and daughters. Later, they were submitted to sexual slavery and domestic slavery in the military camp for six months. The lieutenant in charge of the base ordered that they organize “women shifts”, through which the women were obliged to report to the military encampment every three days where they were submitted to sexual and domestic slavery. The soldiers raped the women systematically and multiply. Moreover, the women were forced to cook and wash the soldiers’ uniforms.

The history of Dominga Coc made a profound impression on the enslaved women in Sepur Zarco. Dominga, a twenty year-old woman went to the military camp with her two little daughters, Anita and Hermelinda, in search of her husband who had been captured by members of the army in 1982. After arriving at the base, she was captured and raped repeatedly by soldiers in front of her husband and her daughters. After several weeks of being brutally raped, she and her daughters were forcibly disappeared. Her body was found, in early 2012, on the edge of the river and exhumed. Dominga’s husband survived. He presented the testimony in the court. The story of Dominga Coc resonated for years among the women enslaved in Sepur Zarco and became a permanent warning of what could happen to any one of them at any time.

After six months the “women shifts” ended and the women were no longer forced to report every three days to the military base. However, the ordeal continued in other ways for another six years. The women had to continue to do domestic work for free, preparing tortillas in their houses to take to the encampment and washing the soldiers’ uniforms. The soldiers continued to rape the women, in their homes or when they went to wash clothes in the river.

The exploitation reached such an extreme that the women had to buy the corn to prepare the solders’ tortillas and the soap to wash their uniforms. This meant that the women’s children went hungry, since the little money they earned went to buy food for the soldiers under penalty of being sexually enslaved again or murdered.

The effects on the lives of women survivors and their families are very serious and long lasting. For thirty years, the women survivors have faced the psychosocial consequences of these crimes. They have been stigmatized and rejected by society in their communities. According to the patriarchal logic, they themselves are held guilty of the sexual violence they suffered

Testifying before the judge

Thirty years went by before the 15 q´eqchí women could finally testify before a judge and tell the horror stories of what happened to them in the military camp of Sepur Zarco. Their testimonies, presented as preliminary evidence, form part of the penal process that began in September 2011 and is currently in the investigation stage.

The women walked up to the judge with confidence. Their old-woman voices expressed sincerity, certainty, and at the same time deep pain, for the atrocities they related. They spoke in their language q´eqchí and their words were translated to Spanish by other women from their ethnic group. A profound silence, an atmosphere full of consternation and rage, invaded the public, made up mostly of women who filled the hearing room throughout the week.

I don’t want the die without seeing justice done is the expression repeated over and over among the group of women of Sepur Zarco. Their determination to find justice has lasted for thirty years. This determination gave them the inner strength to present their testimonies in the courtroom, in the context of extremely adverse socioeconomic, political and security conditions and enormous risks. According to their concept of justice, the assurance that these acts will never happen again figures prominently. They do not want their daughters and granddaughters to experience the sexual violence they suffered.

The unbreakable will of the women survivors of sexual violence joined with the efforts of feminist and human rights organizations. These–motivated by a political commitment to promote dignity, historical memory and justice for women–have overcome many obstacles and though alliances been able to build an unprecedented and multifaceted process of seeking justice over the course of the past ten years.

As part of this process, women of Sepur Zarco, along with indigenous women from other regions of the country, broke the silence by presenting their testimonies in the First Court of Conscience on Sexual Violence against Women During the Armed Conflict, held in Guatemala City in March 2010.  This political action help pave the path that the women are now walking in search of justice.

All these political and legal actions renew hope and encourage women to keep struggling to put an end to impunity for the deplorable crimes of sexual violence committed against women during the armed conflict. They contribute to confronting acute violence against women today and to continue working together to build dignified and just societies.

Luz Méndez is President of the Advisers’ Council of the national Union of Guatemala Women (UNAMG). She participated in the negotiations as a member of the Diplomatic Political Team of the Guatemalan National revolutionary Unit. She formed part of the team of Gender Experts for peace talks in Burundi, called by UNIFEM; She is a member of the Advisors Council for the Global Fund for Women and a contributor to the CIP Americas Program www.cipamericas.org

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GUATEMALA - ARMY'S FORMER SEX SLAVES TESTIFY BEFORE COURT

 

By Danilo Valladares

One of the victims testifying before the judge, with the support of a psychologist and a translator. Credit: Danilo Valladares/IPS

One of the victims testifying before the judge, with the support of a psychologist and a translator. Credit: Danilo Valladares/IPS

GUATEMALA CITY, Sep 28 2012 (IPS) - “In the garrison they had rooms where they would rape us; sometimes there were three, four or five soldiers,” Rosa Pérez*, one of the women used by the Guatemalan army as a sex slave during this country’s civil war, testified in court.

With her face covered, and with the support of a psychologist and a translator, a crying Pérez told a court hearing this week that members of the army kidnapped her husband and turned her into a sex slave and servant in the Sepur Zarco military garrison in the municipality of El Estor in the northeastern province of Izabal.

She and 14 other Q’eqchi Maya Indian women who were subjected to sexual and labour slavery between 1982 and 1986 testified at a preliminary hearing held this week in a court in the Guatemalan capital.

Charges have been brought against 37 members of the military in the case.

“Go to the garrison, the soldiers need someone to wash their clothes, cook their beans, and make them coffee,” Peréz said she and the other women were told by military commissioner Miguel Ángel Caal.

She said they did not imagine the appalling treatment and abuse that they would suffer for so many months in the military garrison.

“They told me that if I didn’t let them, they would kill me, and they put a gun to my chest” while she was raped by different soldiers after washing their clothes and cooking and serving their meals from six in the morning, she added.

“Once I gathered my courage and went to complain to the lieutenant, and he told me that maybe I had got them used to doing that,” said Pérez, who miscarried as a result of the constant sexual abuse.

She also said that before she was taken to the garrison, the soldiers had kidnapped her husband, the father of her three children. She knew nothing about his fate until his remains were found decades later.

Some 200,000 people – mainly Maya Indians in the country’s highlands – were killed and 45,000 were forcibly disappeared in Guatemala’s 1960-1996 armed conflict. The bodies were buried in secret mass graves, unmarked graves in cemeteries, or on the grounds of military installations, according to the Historical Clarification Commission.

In its 1999 report, that U.N.-sponsored truth commission found the army guilty of over 90 percent of the deaths, and reported that one out of four victims of the human rights abuses were women.

Hunger kills in the mountains

One of the most devastating testimonies was given by Juana Morales*, who told the hearing that she and her three children fled into the mountains in 1982 from San Marcos, a community on the border between Izabal and the neighbouring province of Alta Verapaz.

Morales said a group of soldiers came to her home, took away her husband – she still doesn’t know what happened to him – and then raped her.

“They put a gun to my chest and raped me. Three of them did it, the rest just watched. One of my kids, who was four years old at the time, was with me, and screamed when he saw what they were doing to me,” she said.

To save her own and her children’s lives, the Q’eqchi woman went into hiding in the nearby mountains. “We had nothing to eat, we had no tortillas, and my kids started to get sick,” she said.

“My daughter told me we should go back home, saying ‘there are chicken eggs on the table there’,” Morales said between sobs. One by one, her three children starved to death in the mountains.

After living in hiding in the forest for six years, she returned to San Marcos one day, but her home and her belongings were no longer there. “I had two houses, but they had burnt them down. I had nothing left.”

Lucía Morán, with Women Transforming the World, a local non-governmental organisation, told IPS that with this case, “Guatemala is setting a historic legal precedent for humanity, because a national court has never heard cases of rape and sexual slavery.

“Sexual violence has been used as a weapon of war, and it wasn’t until the 1990s, in the international tribunals on Yugoslavia and Rwanda, that justice began to be done in these cases,” she said.

The activist pointed out that between 1982 and 1988 there were no armed clashes between the army and the guerrillas in the so-called Franja Transversal del Norte (northern transversal strip), where these communities were situated. But the army set up the garrison in Sepur Zarco to protect the economic interests of large landowners and the mining and oil industries.

In a 1982-1983 scorched-earth campaign, at least 440 villages were razed to the ground, and the inhabitants killed.

“That’s when they started making lists, to track down peasant leaders who were fighting for legal title to their land,” she said, adding that the husbands of the 15 women who testified at this week’s hearing were all rural activists, and were all forcibly disappeared.

Another of the victims described how she was raped and forced to work as a servant in
Sepur Zarco.

“I was sexually abused by five soldiers every day. I was there for six months, every other day,” said Marta López*, who had to leave her eight children home alone while she worked at the garrison from 8:00 AM to 5:00 PM.

But before that, soldiers had come for her husband. “In 1982, the military came to our house and took him away, killed him, and dumped him in a pit,” she said.

The army’s version of events

As the women testified, former army reserves sergeant Ricardo Méndez Ruiz admitted that “the army committed abuses during the conflict,” but said “the guerrillas did too.”

He argued that “justice should be the same for everyone.”

In 2011, Méndez Ruiz, a businessman, brought legal action against 26 people for his 1982 kidnapping by left-wing guerrilla groups. Today he is a spokesman for the defence of the military personnel accused of civil war-era human rights violations.

“It is clear that the witnesses that the Public Ministry (office of the public prosecutor) is providing and the plaintiffs are people with very low levels of education. They don’t even have any idea of exact dates, which makes you think they may have been manipulated,” he told IPS, referring to the women who testified.

Méndez Ruiz has repeatedly claimed that the work of the prosecutor’s office is “biased” and is being used “to wreak vengeance on the army.”

And in this case, he said, the interest is also “for money.”

“On other opportunities, the Inter-American Court of Human Rights has condemned the Guatemalan state to pay millions in reparations, which I’m sure go into the pockets of the plaintiffs,” he said.

* The names of the victims have been changed for security reasons.

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Guatemala -Women Testified Before A National Court For Sexual Slavery And Rape During The Armed Conflict

Source: Alianza Rompiendo el Silencio (Alliance Breaking the Silence)

03/10/2012 - From September 24th to the 28th, fifteen Guatemalan women, who are part of the Qeqchi´ indigenous people, testified before a national court, as part of a legal process aimed at getting justice for sexual slavery and rape used as a weapon of genocide and femicide during the armed conflict in Guatemala.

The hearings took place at Court B ofHigher Risk in Guatemala City.

This case becomes a referent in the search for justice for the instrumentalization of gender violence in crimes classified as war crimes and crimes against humanity –crimes for which there has been total impunity in Guatemala for more than 30 years. It also represents the struggles of many women in diverse communities, who yearn to break the silence and get justice for the multiple acts of gender violence during the armed conflict.

The significance of this event is historic because it was the first time in the history of Guatemala and the world that women victims of rape and sexual slavery testified before a national court, asking justice and reparations for such grave crimes. All the previous cases have been addressed in international courts.

The women who presented their testimonies of horror are part of communities located in the Northern Transversal Strip of Guatemala, where strong transnational economic interests related to oil, mining and agrofuel crops converge. This is a region of large estates whose owners asked the army to settle on the farms in order to protect their interests during the armed conflict. Military detachments were deployed on the farms, functioning as centers of torture and extermination, forming a circuit. Several units were used as centers of recreation and rest for the troops.

In that context, between 1982 and 1986, women victims in this case were enslaved, after their husbands —who were peasant leaders fighting for land titling— were killed or “disappeared.” The army destroyed their houses and other assets. Women were forcibly  displaced and subjected to domestic and sexual salvery in a military detachment. This nightmare lasted several years. The effects on the lives of women survivors, their families and communities have been severe, as they have been condemned to stigmatization, marginalization and poverty.

Alianza Rompiendo el Silencio (Alliance Breaking the Silence):

Unión Nacional de Mujeres Guatemaltecas (National Union of Guatemalan Women)
Mujeres Transformando el Mundo (Women Transforming the World)
Equipo de Estudios Comunitarios y Acción Psicosocial (Association for Community Studies and Psicosocial Action)