WUNRN
KARAMA - 'Karama’ is the Arabic word for dignity, as well as an initiative fueled by a coalition of partners as constituencies to build a movement to end violence against women. http://www.el-karama.org/
The principle
of equal human rights was one that brought citizens from all walks of life
together in the streets in protest, however, it was also the first principle
attacked as dictators relinquished power to transitory authorities and new
governments. Given the rise of conservative parties and traditionalists in the
transition, women were among the first to experience a disproportionate level
of backlash, just weeks after being welcomed as vital members of the
anti-government uprisings for which they demonstrated day after day in the
streets.
Across the region,
women experienced:
The following is a more in-depth look at the country level at the nature of the uprisings, the aftermath—if the transition phase has been entered—and the ongoing risk posed to women and their rights.
Uprisings: The first noted uprising of the Arab
Revolutions, the Tunisian revolution was jumpstarted by individual acts of
frustration and public protest of human rights abuses, widespread unemployment,
and an overall declining quality of life under former President Zine El Abidine
Ben Ali, who ruled for 23 years. One of the key precipitating events was when a
Elections: After several shakeups in the interim
government, parliamentary elections were held on October 23, 2011. Islamist
party Ennahda won the majority of votes securing 90 out of 217 seats or 41
percent of seats in parliament. The Congress for Republic (CRP), the country’s
leading secularist party, won 14 percent of seats or 30 seats and the leftist
Ekkatol party won the third most votes with ten percent or 21 seats. ISIE
electoral commission secretary-general Boubaker Bethabet said more than 90
percent of approximately 4.1 million citizens who registered ahead of the poll
had cast their votes that Sunday, representing at least half of all eligible
voters.
Women gained
27.4 percent representation in
While CRP
member Moncef Marzouki was elected President of the interim government, a newly
approved set of bylaws places the majority power in the hands of the country’s
prime minister. The December 2011 appointed Prime Minister Hamadi Jebali is the
Secretary-General of the Ennahda party.
Constitution: In August 2012, the National Constituent
Assembly (NCA) unveiled a draft constitution that refers to women as
"complementary to men" instead of “equal to” as the 1956 constitution
stipulates. Women’s rights activists and supporters reacted in mass protest,
calling it a setback from the earlier constitution, which was considered
progressive relative to others in the region and with regards to women’s
rights. Meanwhile, at the beginning of October, the “state of emergency” was
extended for another month, giving extended powers to the police and military.
In mid-October,
a National Dialogue Congress convened to resolve questions the NCA has been
unable to reach consensus upon including the date of the elections, the type of
government
Women’s Rights at Risk: Ennahda, which was banned under the former
regime, says it has modeled itself on the governing AK party in
Meanwhile, the Tunisian government has failed to implement two decrees passed last year guaranteeing press freedom and regulating audiovisual media. The decrees prohibit “restrictions on the freedom to disseminate information” and guarantee “the freedom of audiovisual communication.” However, over the last year, their enactment has been blocked by Ennahda.
Uprisings: The movement gained visibility on January
25, 2011, when social media calls-to-action galvanized anti-government protests
across
Elections: The military council delayed elections
from September to the end of November. The elections took place over a month
and a half period from November 28th - January 11th and
resulted in the seating of an Islamist majority, with conservative parties
winning approximately 73 percent of seats. The Freedom and Justice Party—the
Muslim Brotherhood’s political arm—won the most votes, with 47 percent or 235
seats. The ultra conservative Al-Nour party won 24 percent or 121 seats.
Meanwhile, the moderate al-Wasat Party won 10 seats or less than two percent of
seats in the new assembly.
Of the 503
seats, only eight were gained by women, including four conservatives. This is a
direct result of a new electoral law enacted prior to the elections, as it set
forth an insulting requirement for each political party to field a minimum of
one woman and cancelled a pre-existing quota that guaranteed 60 seats for
women.
In June 2012,
Constitution: Given a conservative new assembly
largely devoid of female representation, women’s rights quickly came under
attack within newly elected members’ first few months in power. Members of
parliament proposed cancelling the no-fault divorce law (khul) and reversing
progressive amendments to the child custody law and early marriage law, among
other amendments. Of course, these proposals were viewed as significant
setbacks for Egyptian women and were met with outrage and protest.
The Committee of
Wise Men, an advisory panel formed during the uprising, included just one woman
among its 30 members. There have been no women appointed as governors, no women
allowed in the authoritative State Council, and weak female representation in
all post-Mubarak governments. In the new constitutional assembly, which was
appointed by the now-dissolved parliament, there are only seven women out of
100 members.
A draft
constitution leaked in early October showed worrying signs for women’s rights
and human rights. For instance, take Article 36 of the draft, which says the
state will ensure equality between men and women as long as it does not
contradict the rulings of Islamic Sharia and that women will reconcile between
their duties toward the family and their work in society. The conditional
nature of this equality suggests that women’s rights will not be fully
promoted, protected, or supported in the new constitution.
While it was
originally estimated that the constitution would be completed and put to a
national referendum by November, recent disruptions promise that this will be a
much longer process. The current draft is widely disputed, and there continues
to be discussion that the assembly itself is not adequate and should be
dissolved, particularly as it was appointed by a parliament that currently
remains inactive.
Women’s Rights at Risk: As noted above, the new parliament
demonstrated early on its intention to reverse women’s hard-won rights.
However, things still remain unclear given the absence of an active assembly
and continual shakeups in the cabinet. Morsy’s recent pardon of detainees
arrested for participating in pro-revolution demonstrations shows some level of
cooperation with civil society demands, however, it also suggests that this
cooperation is limited in scope.
Women’s rights activists witnessed and experienced violent backlash following the revolution. The infamous case of the “women in the blue bra” demonstrates how far this anti-women sentiment has gone in the past, and what remains at risk. The draft constitution, which proposed decriminalization of early marriage and female genital mutation and failed to fully criminalize trafficking, underrepresented women’s priorities and failed to advocate for and guarantee their equal rights.
Uprisings:
Moroccans, like many in the region, felt the impact of the wave
of revolutions and were inspired to challenge authorities on certain issues of
freedom. They employed social media, beginning a "February 20"
movement with demands including constitutional reforms, the dissolution of
existing parliament, the creation of a temporary transitional government, and
greater accountability for elected officials. Like the other uprisings in the
region, this movement marked men and women from different political leanings,
economic and religious backgrounds, and different professions coming together
in a fight for democracy, for an end to corruption and repression, and for
improved everyday living conditions.
Elections: In response to the protests,
Sixty-seven
women were elected to parliament, including 18 members of the PJD.
Constitution: King Mohammed VI proposed amendments to
the constitution that were approved by a July 2011 referendum. Included among
them were clauses to keep him as the highest religious authority in the country
as well as retain his position as the supreme commander of the army. The prime
minister under the constitution is considered “head of government” and it is
ensured in the new constitution that the prime minister must come from the
popularly elected party and cannot be chosen by the king. The prime minister
also has the power to choose and dismiss members of parliament.
In the new
constitution, the King continued to demonstrate commitment to progressive laws
on women’s rights including Article 19, which makes men and women equal
citizens under the law by granting them equal social, economic, political,
environmental, and civil rights. The new
constitution also addresses the supremacy of international gender laws over
national ones, a component that could lead to policy that lifts
Women’s rights at risk: When Prime Minister Benikrane announced
the composition of the cabinet, he only named one woman minister, whereas in
previous cabinets, there have been up to seven female members out of the 30 who
make up the body. Bassima al-Hakkaoui, a member of the PJD, was named Minister
of Solidarity, Women, Family and Social Development, which is the ministry with
the smallest budget and the least political clout. She has spoken up against
CEDAW’s Article 16, calling it incongruous with the Muslim state, and shared
she does not believe in instituting quotas for women’s political participation.
The constitutional reforms still fall short and women worry that with the PJD party in place, hard-won rights will be threatened and/or repealed.
Uprisings: Libyans
planned a day of rage for February 17, 2011, but protests began even before
then in
In the fall of 2011, the opposition gained important ground,
taking control of
Elections: The
NTC served as the interim government for about ten months, arranging elections
for July 2012 and transferring power in August. On July 7th, 62 percent of
Libyans turned out for the elections, with over 1.7 million ballots cast and 3,700
candidates, including 624 women, running for seats.
The Libyan parliamentary elections separated the nation from the
earlier examples of
Of the total 200 seats, women won 33 seats or approximately 16.5
percent of the seats in the new assembly. An alternate electoral law requiring
a horizontal and vertical zipper list structure ensured women were fielded in
alternating slots on each party list in both bottom and top positions and
helped guarantee women’s representation in the new assembly.
In September, the NFA’s candidate for prime minister was
defeated by Mustafa Abushagur, the outgoing deputy prime minister. Abushagur’s
cabinet list included zero representatives from the popularly elected NFA and
several members from the outgoing NTC and was ultimately rejected. This
led to an upheaval that returned Libyans to the search for a prime minister.
Since then, Abushagur has been unseated by a vote of no confidence and Ali
Zidan has been elected as his replacement.
Constitution:
A 60-person committee will be tasked with drafting the new
constitution. Originally these members were to be appointed, but the NTC
amended the declaration stating that the members would be elected instead. It
remains unclear which option will prevail, and under what timeline. The
original idea was to draft the new constitution within 60 days of the
committee’s convening, but civil society and other groups are pushing to extend
the timeline.
Women’s advocacy groups are lobbying for equal-protection
clauses and for the right to pass citizenship to their children and claim equal
inheritance benefits to male relatives. There is also ongoing debate as to how
the relationship between state and religion will be described in the new
constitution. It was agreed earlier that the Islamic law school should be
mentioned as at least one of the sources of law in the constitution, but it is
not clear the extent to which members of the committee will deploy
interpretations of Islamic principles to other constitutional features.
Women’s
rights at Risk: While Libya had several progressive laws in place prior to the
uprisings, in practice, they often went unenforced and women faced
discrimination, violence, and isolation at home, in the workplace, and in every
day public life. During the armed conflict in
After Gaddafi was killed, NTC-head Mustafa Abdel Jalil declared that a Gaddafi-era law doing away with men’s right to take multiple wives would be canceled, clearing the way for unrestricted polygamy. His rationale was sharia law. Later, during the handover ceremony, Jalil told host Sarah Elmesallati to leave the stage after a congressman walked out in reaction to her head not being covered. She refused to cover her head and was replaced by a male host for the remainder of the ceremony. Such pressure from Islamist and traditionalist factions has the potential to limit women’s participation in politics and public life, and to control their public and private behavior.
Uprisings: The situation in
Armed conflict and women: There
are over 35,000 Syrian refugees as a result of the conflict in
Human rights group Women Under
Siege documented 81 instances of sexual assault in
At the same time, cultural and
social taboos in
Uprisings: The Yemeni people
initially organized protests to show their frustration with poor economic
conditions and corruption. However, this soon escalated into calls for then
Yemeni President Ali Abdullah Saleh—who held power for 33 years—to resign.
Initially, Saleh promised not to run for reelection or pass power to his son,
however, this was not enough to appease the people. While transition deals were
proposed over the course of several months, none were ever full agreed upon or
implemented. In November 2011, Saleh finally agreed to step down and transfer
power to his vice-president.
Elections: On February 22, 2012,
Yemenis held a presidential election with Saleh’s vice-president Abdurabu
Mansur Hadi as the only candidate on the ballot. A National Dialogue is slated
for November, based on the Gulf Initiative and UN-backed power transfer
agreement with Saleh. It is seen by many as a critical phase (scheduled for a
six-month period) where all parties will come together to agree on a new
constitution and on presidential and parliamentary elections.
However, already
groups—including the
Women’s rights at risk: During
the uprisings, Saleh issued a declaration calling women’s behavior—protesting
and sleeping in tents alongside men in
Moreoever, the ongoing violence continues to pose difficulty for women, isolating them from vital healthcare, such as hospital support for pregnant women.
Uprisings: In early June 2012, a
group of female students from
In 2011, Southern Sudan
declared its independence from
Women’s rights at risk: Women
have braved the front lines, speaking out at the risk of detention, isolation,
and assault with regard to nationwide problems, but also in opposition to
pervasive gender violence and discrimination.
But the cost of speaking out
has been high, especially for women. At the end of July, a seventeen-year-old
high school student was shot in the head by police in
Sudanese women have been
working under the radar, building constituencies and establishing linkage
between activist groups, engaging political parties and youth leaders to
develop avenues of influence to lobby for reform. This work has become
increasingly dangerous following calls for a “100 percent Islamic constitution”
and vocal opposition by the Sudanese government who referred to this work as
“destruction of the community.”
Sexual violence, in particular, continues not only as a “weapon of war,” but an epidemic of gender-based discrimination that Sudanese women have long struggled with. Thousands of Darfuri women have been raped over the last decade and even in IDP camps, women fail to be protected by government and security forces. Women detainees, have also reported cases of rape during their time in jail.
Coalition-building
and strengthening of Civil Society
Many local
activists lack the experience and tradition of working together across
geographic lines, academic backgrounds, and different sectors. At this point,
it is important to rebuild society—in areas where it has been suppressed, such
as Syria—and strengthen existing coalitions—for instance, in Egypt, where civil
society has already established connection and launched successful
collaborations.
For example,
Karama has worked with partners in
There is also a
need to continue engaging diverse constituencies in dialogue on the shared
priorities and plans, as well as to continue fostering understanding between
diverse groups of stakeholders. Emerging from the revolutions were youth
activists who showed leadership and determination in advocating for equal
rights and improved conditions. Bridging the gap of understanding and fostering
dialogue and exchange between youth and veteran activists will diversify
strategies, broaden community support and awareness, and strengthen existing
coalitions on women’s rights.
Constitution
and Women’s Political Participation
As new
governments get underway, the pressing concern for women will be new
constitutions and how their articles detract from or reinforce their place in
society. Lobbies and campaigns for women’s inclusion in government and in core
committees and panels must continue to ensure women’s demands are heard. This
can be achieved through both direct representation and through specific
language in new constitutions that will set the tone for how women are engaged
and supported across sectors, and how they are protected under new and existing
laws.
From strategic
communications training to help activists hone their messages and distribute
them to consultations with international experts on constitutional language and
precedent for women, Karama has been working with national coordinators and
through regional conferences to build the capacity of activists, politicians,
and community leaders to participate in the core dialogues and ensure that
their recommendations are clear and produce intended results for women’s full
and equal participation in society, including in decision-making mechanisms.
Women’s
Inclusion in Reconciliation and Peacebuilding
Women
reportedly bear a disproportionate amount of the burden of armed conflict and
war, however, they are underrepresented in post-conflict peacemaking,
peacekeeping, and decision-making.
In the region,
areas such as
Karama is
engaged with several programs this year focusing on women, peace, and security,
including a regional conference planned for the end of 2012 aimed at launching
a regional strategy on women, peace, and security and accelerating
implementation of UN SCRs 1325 and 1820. This will also be a priority topic in
national dialogues and seminars we will convene.