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This Academic Paper was sent to WUNRN in 2004 by Jackie Kirk, then at McGill University in Canada and the University of Ulster in Ireland.

 

Jackie Kirk was one of the four International Rescue Committee (IRC) staff killed this past week in an ambush in Afghanistan.

 

The IRC Senior Technical Advisor for Education praised Jackie and said, “It is thanks to Jackie Kirk's energy, knowledge and vision that thousands of children around the world are leading healthier, more promising lives."

 

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Towards a Sustainable Peace: Prioritizing Education for Girls

 

Pakistan & India

 

Jackie Kirk & Shree Mulay

 

Introduction

Shree and Jackie have known each other for several years; we have been involved on different projects together and have always known that although we come at things from quite different perspectives and with quite different experiences, we share many issues and concerns. It is precisely those different perspectives and experiences that have provided a foundation upon which to develop this workshop. Participants may know one, both or neither of us, but this paper is intended to provide a clearer picture of where we are coming from and what we see as the priority issues related to our workshop theme.

 

Jackie’s PhD fieldwork with women teachers in Karachi, Pakistan in 2001, and subsequent visits as a consultant in 2003, provided opportunities to learn about the Pakistani education system, and in particular to look at the roles and the potential of women teachers as agents of change towards a more peaceful and gender-just society. She has also worked in India on several occasions, and interacted with educators concerned with girls and women’s opportunities. However, this workshop has provided her with the opportunity to think about the two countries in relation to each other.

 

Shree, on the other hand was born in India; despite the forty odd years she has studied and worked in Canada, she has maintained vital links with India and cares deeply about the fate of the people in India and the South Asian subcontinent as a whole. As a long-standing member of the South Asian Women’s Community Centre and the South Asia Centre in Montreal she has helped organize workshops and conferences to highlight the lived experiences of women, whether for democratic rights or against religious intolerance. Her experiences have shaped her thinking on matters of peace and on the urgency for women participating in the process. 

 

Both of us believe that in order to change the culture of violence one has to start at the beginning, namely by educating our young people in ways which prevent the glorification of war. The pandemic of violence cannot be treated without isolating the root causes, and education is where we need to begin.  This workshop provides the opportunity to think together about the education systems of both India and Pakistan, and about the roles and impacts they have in both perpetuating conflict and in promoting change. We need to think together about how education can be re-imagined as a force for more peaceful futures, and how women and girls can be agents of that change and benefit from it. We need to include girls and young women in our discussions of women and peacebuilding, but that we have to be careful not fall into the trap of homogenizing the needs and perspectives of ‘womenandgirls’ (to adapt a phrase from Susan McKay, quoted Karam, 2001). We need to talk specifically about the multiple impacts of conflict for girls and young women in India and Pakistan, but also to think about how they might be engaged as agents of change. 

 

 

 

Prioritizing education

The experiences of women and girls in schools are a starting point from which to work on broad issues of women’s empowerment, political participation and peacebuilding. Jackie’s involvement in what is called ‘education in emergencies’, or education in conflict and post-conflict contexts, led to identifying the problems and the potential of education for girls and for boys. As so well articulated by Bush and Salterelli (2000), in relation to conflict and peace, education is both part of the problem and part of the solution. For girls and young women this is especially the case; in relation to gender equality, school is also part of the problem and part of the solution.

 

School as part of the problem; education, gender and conflict

School is a site in which conflict is promoted and played out and, particularly for girls and women, a site in which the gender dimensions of conflict and the associated impositions and manipulations of identity (religious, ethnic, political) are also reinforced.

 

There are many examples, such as  schooling in Kashmir and the ways in which the educational opportunities and experiences for girls have been inextricably linked with the political situation.

 

Just in terms of access to education, the conflict in Kashmir has had a devastating impact for both boys and girls; Ritu Dewan (2002) describes how, especially in rural areas schools and educational institutions are not functioning; buildings have been taken over by militants and security forces, or have been destroyed. A total of 891 schools have been deliberately attacked or destroyed in the course of the long-running conflict, and under a half of these have been reconstructed (Ashish, quoted Boyden et al, 2002). 2997 adult and non-formal education centers have closed in the region since 1990 due to financial constraints and staff shortages (Madhosh, 1996). The regular schedule of schooling has been totally interrupted with examinations postponed and the results of any taken delayed. The average age at which young people complete their education has risen, putting them at a considerable disadvantage for any jobs and further study opportunities outside Kashmir. And even if they are able to take the exams, the students’ performance is affected by erratic and irregular attendance that is the result of curfews, strikes and other security issues. An average attendance of 210 school days a year in 1989 dropped to 60 in 1993 (Madhosh, 1996). The quality of teaching has also declined, amongst other things because of an exodus of Hindu teachers. The departed teachers are not replaced, meaning that the syllabi are left unfinished. Teachers who remain are also very wary about their personal security traveling to school and absenteeism is high. Aside from these supply side issues, demand for education is drastically reduced in times of conflict and crisis; as Mattoo (2002) writes of the situation in Kashmir, “When bare survival is at stake, who can afford the bare luxury of a meaningful education?” (p. 169). There are many other, more immediate priorities for children and their parents.

 

The interrelations between education and conflict are also highly gendered; for girls and young women who wish to complete their studies in Kashmir, for example, there are additional challenges. For a start, on a journey to and from school, girls run the risk of sexual harassment and humiliation. Dewan (2002) describes the frequent teasing, taunting, snatching of dupattas and burqas that the military forces subject girls to. A deployment of 350-450 000 armed police and soldiers in Jammu Kashmir, makes it one of the highest concentration of security forces per capita in the world (Boyden et al, 2002) and this has particular implications for girls and women, and their safe access to education. It takes moral courage for Kashmiri girls to attend school and college, as just a short journey can put them in physical danger (from grenades, crossfire and so on) but also at risk of a humiliating search and questioning in a bus or other public space (Mattoo, 2002).

 

And beyond this, girls have to contend with impositions of dress code and a regulation of their freedoms to wear skirts and trousers. School is a very significant – and very public- site in which these regulations are imposed, and through which girls’ religious identities are manipulated and exaggerated. In the context of conflict, the previously secular space of the school becomes one in which religious ideologies – and diktats such as burqa wearing - are forcefully imposed.

 

Sudha Koul (2002) describes her own experiences of attending a convent school in which the Hindu and Muslim daughters of middle class parents were educated together, all wearing the skirt and blouse uniform as tightly as they were allowed. As she writes, “Our devotion Christian art and prayers has nothing to do with the pursuit of our own religion. ….We just stick to enjoying school and leave Christianity at the convent and our religion at home” (p. 93). The college that she subsequently attends is also an environment in which girls from different backgrounds enjoy easy relationships, drama, arts, camping trips and so on. Neerja Mattoo (2002) attended the same women’s college in Srinagar, and was equally taken up by the many different activities and excited by the possibilities for the future that attending the college would give. As she writes, until 1989 religion played no role at all in the college – it was academic merit and achievements in extra curricular activities which really mattered. However, things changed dramatically one day in 1989, and the school became a site in which the brewing community tensions in the state were to be felt. Leaflets were dropped over the walls of the college demanding that Muslim girls wear burqas and Hindu girls wear bindis. As she writes, “it was the first time that a wedge was introduced to divide the students along communal lines” (p. 168). Although some of the students may have resisted for a while, the threat of violence against any students not following the demands totally changed the character of the school, and very soon there were no Pandit girls to be seen in a sea of black-clothed girls. Although the situation may have somewhat improved since the early 1990’s and many of the burqas replaced by cotton chadors, as Mattoo describes, the quality of education has not recovered.

 

And to further reinforce the relationship between religion and education in Kashmir, Boyden et al (2002) report that the educational vacuum created by the collapse of the government system is increasingly being filled by madrasas and other religious institutions. And this is happening not only in Kashmir; Sonal Shukla of Vacha describes how in Mumbai there is an increasing trend for private, but low-priced Urdu medium schools to be set up around the mosques. These then entice students away from Municipal schools, and for first time, the previously rising number of Urdu schools in the Municipal Corporation has dropped from 92 to 90 schools. Sonal wonders if the idea behind this is to have Muslim students under Muslim-managed minority schools rather than the ones with secular management of the local government. Also, she notes that the poor Muslim students who are unable to pay for private education and so attend a municipal school during the day are encouraged or pressurized to learn Arabic and Koran-e-Sharif for 3 hours a day in madrassas. This is counter- productive for their school-work, and as Sonal points out, particularly bad for girls. Even without attending extra lessons like these, Vacha’s study of ‘Balkishori’ girls has indicted that many of them barely have any time for rest, leisure or even school homework. At the same time, as Sonal points out, the relationship between gender, religious identity and education is by no means straightforward as in some more Muslim conservative communities, girls’ wearing of a veil allows them access to otherwise inaccessible public space, including that of school.

 

Textbooks and learning materials as part of the problem

Textbooks, the mainstay of most traditional education systems around the world are also a very powerful medium through which to convey certain ideas, images and attitudes. They can certainly be part of the education problem. As an element of the education system, they constitute a powerful tool for a ruling force to impose its ideologies on its youth. And it is a sad fact that in both India and Pakistan, state school textbooks and learning materials promote xenophobia and distrust of the other social groups.

 

In Grade 9 social studies textbooks in Gujarat, for example, students are told that “apart from the Muslims, even the Christians, Parsees and other foreigners are also recognized as the minority communities”. In such a way, Indian schoolchildren are given the powerful message that only Hindus are true Indians, and all other religious groups are foreigners. And then if you learn to dislike and distrust those foreigners, an even more chilling message is conveyed through a Grade 12 Gujarat board examination (2002), in which students were told to remove the word ‘if’ and rewrite the sentence: If you don’t like people, kill them”.

 

A recent report, “The state of curricula and textbooks in Pakistan” (Sustainable Development Policy Institute, 2003) concludes that amongst the most significant problems in the current curricula and textbooks are: insensitivity to the religious diversity of the nation, incitement to militancy and violence, including encouragement of Jehad and Shahadat and a glorification of war and the use of force. Pakistani nationalism is repeatedly defined in a manner that excludes non-Muslim Pakistanis from being Pakistani nationals or even from being good human beings. Furthermore, South Asian history is presented in such a selective fashion that it is impossible to properly interpret events, and the material is presented in such a way as to encourage the student to marginalize and be hostile towards to other social groups and people in the region (p. vi).

 

This is bad enough, but for girls, textbooks and other learning materials also convey messages of prejudice, bigotry and discrimination towards women. Textbooks are a prime means of reinforcing the status quo of gender relations, and preserving the status, power and privilege of men. This can be done in different ways – either excluding women and girls from any text or images, constantly presenting male perspectives, male victories, successes and achievements and/or constantly positioning women in girls in menial positions and roles. Girls whose entire learning experience is mediated in such a way may quite easily learn that this is natural and uncontestable, especially if messages about female subordination and inferiority are reinforced in other domains of her life (such as family, community, media).

 

Education as part of the solution

Although the discussion above may be somewhat discouraging, we  believe in the power of education and in the potential of educators to challenge both the status quo of gender relations and also to promote peace. Education is one of the most powerful tools we have for empowering girls and women and for changing dominant cultures of violence and patriarchy.  The Millennium Development Goal (MDG) 3 is to “Promote gender equality and empower women”, the identified target for which is: “Eliminate gender disparity in primary and secondary education, preferably by 2005, and to all levels of education no later than 2015”. Also this single target may be in some ways problematic, it is also an indication of the critical role of girls’ education for individual, family, community and global development [1][1]

 

Educating girls is so critical to the empowerment of women, and it is also critical in empowering women as agents of peace. If girls are excluded from education, then they are also likely to be marginalized and excluded from active participation in peace movements, political activities and so on. Illiteracy will prevent them from reading and understanding complex issues, lack of confidence and self-esteem, which are often connected to illiteracy and exclusion, will also act as barriers to participation. Access to education for all girls therefore has to a peacebuilding priority. Beyond the issues that the World Bank and others may make about the economic rewards of educating girls, education is a human right, a woman’s right and a child right. In India and Pakistan, where girls’ attendance at primary school is approximately 73% and 51%, and secondary school attendance is far lower, this is clearly a priority issue. Education for All[2][2] initiatives and country action plans in both countries have emphasized girls’ education, and hold some promise, as do the District Primary Education Programmes (DPEPs) in different areas in India, but full implementation and scaling up remains problematic.

 

Globally, conflict has been identified as one of the most serious barriers to achieving education for all – and most especially for girls. It is ironic that it is exactly in conflict and post-conflict situations when education may be of the most critical importance, that it is also the most difficult to obtain. Teachers, through schools, can provide a safe environment for structure, stimulation, for opportunities for learning and healthy socialization. Teachers can ensure child protection by communicating lifesaving messages to children, by modeling caring adult behavior and by creating a classroom climate that helps children heal and that promotes peace. Yet for girls especially, there are many obstacles in the way to their having access to this sort of protection. Ensuring girls’ access to education in Kashmir, for example, means working on multiple issues; supply side factors such as quality of facilities and of opportunity (Are there decent toilets for girls? Is the school secure enough for girls to feel safe? Is the quality of instruction good enough for parents to see it as worth sending their girls? ) and demand side factors such as What can be done to improve the safety of girls on the way to and from school to encourage parents to allow them to go ?

 

Elsewhere, out of direct conflict areas, there are multiple and complex barriers to education for girls. These include family poverty and the need for child labour, son preference and privilege, early marriage and dowry payments (which in some areas become higher as a girl becomes more educated (Bagchi, 2003)). Barriers to initial access need to be addressed, as do the barriers to girls’ retention in school and their completion of a full course of study.

 

What sort of education for girls?

And yet, as was discussed earlier, if education is also a site in which patriarchy and violence, religiously-motivated nationalism and ethnic conflict are also fuelled, then we also have to be critical about the sort of education we are providing for girls. Rather than ‘schooling for subordination’ (Longwe, 1998) we have to imagine and enact education for empowerment and education for peace. It is clearly a challenge as even the most avant-garde education systems have their foundations in the traditions of male privilege and perspective; the educational systems of both India and Pakistan are both particularly conservative, post-colonial and patriarchal (Willinsky, 1998). Although there may be some influential women in high positions, the management, administration and policy- and decision-making power in education rests with men. As Barnita Bagchi (personal communication, 2004) writes, “The public school education system in India suffers from the virtual absence of space, pedagogic and social, for encouraging creative acts of verbalization or articulation by both boys and girls, but girls in particular. This is with the notable exception of a state such as Kerala, where the social movement for education was strong, but even there, gendered silences are very present”.

 

Despite the challenges, we should not be discouraged, and we should seek out possibilities, and create those spaces for creative expression. We should also be encouraged by and learn from past and ongoing initiatives. The women’s college that Mattoo and Koul attended in Srinagar is described by them both as a school in which girls were truly empowered through both the formal and the informal curriculum. Much of this was due to the determination and commitment of the first woman head of a Srinagar college, Mahmuda Ahmad Ali Shah, a woman who was committed to the ideal of Kashmiri women’s emancipation and so shaped her college in line with that aim. The 1950-1970s were a heady time for women in Kashmir, and there were many new possibilities opening up for them. Pride as women was also linked to pride as Kashmiris, Kashmiris who could talk with each other whatever their religion in their own Kashmiri language. Parents’ trust in the school and confidence in its positive benefits for their daughters meant that they were willing to allow their daughters to go on extended camping trips, to travel across India and to dress up in sorts of theatrical costumes. Mattoo describes how the college played a phenomenal role as an instrument of change, and how what started out as a very small institution grew to alter a whole society’s perspective on women (p. 162).

 

Another woman educator who stands out in the history of South Asia is Rokeya Sakhawat Hossain, an incredible feminist, educationalist and writer whose school for girls that she founded in 1909 still flourishes. Rokeya’s views on education for girls were certainly quite radical for her time – and they remain highly relevant today: “The ultimate point of education is not to get a job. The ultimate purpose of education for human beings, regardless of sex, is self-realization, the fullest development of their potential as human beings. That is why women have as much right to education as men” (Hossain, ed. Jahan, 1988, p. 49). According to Rokeya, education for women would allow them to “acquire knowledge in the different branches of sciences and arts….to love their country ….It would include physical education so that they are not frail. Special emphasis would be laid on that training which would enable them to be financially independent of men” (from Padmaraga, Hossain, quoted Jahan, 1988). Rokeya repeatedly stressed how important it was for women to learn chemistry, botany, horticulture, personal hygiene, health care, nutrition, physical education, gymnastics, paining and other fine arts (ibid).

 

Rokeya is not the only inspiring feminist educator who has made an impact on education for girls in South Asia and who has insisted on full curricula for girls which promote active participation in social and political life. The Centre for Women’s Development Studies (CWSD) in Delhi has made a particular point to recognize women educators in a visual archive project entitled “The Learning Experience”, and last year produced a calendar and set of cards with photos of some of the early pioneers of education in the sub-continent (see www.cwds.org).

 

Some current inspirations

There are also some examples of learning for peace and for equality that are happening today and that we can look to as potential models for further development. Vacha, for example, is working with pre-adolescent girls within municipal schools in the suburbs of Mumbai. Rather than a place in which girls are silent and passive, Vacha creates a space within the school in which become active learners, working cooperatively to explore new ideas, gain new information and most importantly, to reinforce their self confidence and self esteem. Their study of 2300 girls in municipal schools in Mumbai revealed that very few of them had accurate information about their own bodies, puberty and menstruation. Vacha have subsequently developed a special module on the body, in which girls have the opportunity to see and touch a large fabric collage of the female body – something which is rarely reproduced in the school textbooks. For Vacha, empowering girls and promoting their overall well-being has to include providing them with information about their bodies. This will then enable them to make stronger and better choices for themselves and for their future families.

 

Jackie’s  PhD thesis (Kirk, 2003) reveals how women teachers in schools in Karachi are at the perpetuating gendered patterns of behavior for girls and for boys, and at the same time challenging some of the status quo. It highlights the complicated negotiations required - of competing demands, of personal aspirations and family expectations and of what is possible within the context of the classroom. The thesis points to the need for more gendered teacher training which opens up spaces for women teachers to discuss their own experiences as women and as teachers, to discuss what it means to be an agent of change and what it requires to be an agent of change. And this is exactly the sort of program that Stacki (2002) discusses – the Teacher Empowerment Programme (or Shikshak Smamakhya Pariyojana, “Teachers’ Equal Say”) in Madhya Pradesh and Utter Pradesh. This program explicitly addresses gender discrimination and empowers teachers to serve as role models for gender equality. It was very clear that providing opportunities for women teachers to talk about their lived experiences, to understand these from a gender equality perspective and therefore to link personal to professional, is a critical step in the process of teacher empowerment. Women teacher empowerment is in itself a priority gender equality and women’s rights issue, but is also a critical step in the empowerment of girls in and through education.

 

More directly in terms of India and Pakistan relations, there are also some – if limited - initiatives in which schoolchildren on both sides of the border have had the opportunity to dialogue with each other. In Mumbai too, the Sabrang project has had children from India and Pakistan talking about peace together. It is clearly very possible for girls and young women to take leadership in such activities and to play active roles in community development and peacebuilding. In the relief camps for refugees from the atrocities in Gujarat, there are young women working as Aman Pathiks (“Treaders of the Path of Peace”) collecting narratives and other information on the camp population (Bagchi, 2002). Bagchi also reports on the incredible strengths and resourcefulness of young girls aged 15-19 who were working in the same relief camps as volunteer teachers (personal communication, 2004).

 

Some concluding thoughts

The UN Security Council Resolution 1325 on Women, Peace and Security, adopted in October 2000, was a landmark resolution. For the first time, it affirmed the importance of a gender perspective in all issues of peace and security, and the necessity of women’s participation in peacebuilding processes. The Agreed Conclusions of the United Nations Commission on the Status of Women (UNCSW) held in March 2004 reiterated the importance of addressing the impact of conflict on women and girls in all areas of planning and intervention, and on promoting the participation of women in all stages and levels of peacebuilding.

 

From the discussion above we can see that there are particular educational impacts of conflict for girls and women that need to be recognized and acted on. This is important, not only because education is a right, but also because education is a site in which the skills, attitudes and knowledge for active participation in peacebuilding can be fostered and practiced. Given the traditions of an overly formal, patriarchal education system which particularly silences girls, attention has to be given to working with girls, empowering them to speak out, and also working with their families and teachers to understand why this is important. There are examples from which we can build, and lessons learned to be integrated into development work.

 

Resolution 1325 may be a powerful tool for women, peace and security activists, and yet it remains somewhat problematic. There is a surprising lack of attention to the educational needs of women in order to fully participate in peacebuilding processes, and furthermore, when it comes to this participation, it is women who have active roles to play - and not girls. Yes, education can prepare girls for their future activities as women, but it can also be a site in which and from which girls can build peace here and now.

 

In this paper we use the term ‘girls’ very broadly, with no specific definition of age – and we do so purposely in order to include cultural and semantic variations of who is a girl and who is not. But as stated at the beginning, we do need to better understand the age-specific and other variables in the experiences of girls and young women, especially in the context of conflict and peacebuilding. Vacha focuses in particularly on the needs of pre-adolescent girls, aged roughly 9-13, and they are very aware that these girls have particular experiences of the onset of puberty, of leaving behind their childhood and for many, of becoming a future bride. Health and welfare policies are attentive to the needs of younger children, and more attentive to the reproductive health and other needs of older ‘young women’, and these girls have been relatively invisible. But the girls’ caste and class are also significant factors to acknowledge – and their schooling experience will be quite different from that of more privileged girls attending private, and probably English medium schools in the city. And this is another variable which can be quite considerable in the experiences of girls and women – being city girls rather than rural girls also makes a significant difference in their life experiences and in the opportunities and possibilities open to them.

 

In conclusion, then, we would like to stress the importance of girls’ education – not just access to ‘any old’ education, but access to a quality, empowering education that enables them to develop the skills, attitudes and knowledge necessary for active participation in peacebuilding and other activities in the public realm. Yes, education is part of the problem – but it is also part of the solution, and especially so for girls and young women, who have so much to gain from a curriculum (informal and formal) and a learning experience that encourages and supports them to speak out for what they believe. At the same, we certainly need to be attentive to the diverse needs of different girls and young women, and to avoid an easy use of ‘womenandgirls’ without really understanding the different impacts, implications and needs of a very inhomogeneous female population. There is lots of work to do, but as educators, we are excited by the fact that schools and other educational institutions may be a very good place to start it!

 

References

 

Bagchi, B. (2002). Ahmedabad: A city divided. Retrieved from: www.igidr.ac.in/~barnita/ahmtrrep.pdf

Bagchi, B. (2003). Girls’ education in Murshidabad: Tales from the field. Retrieved from: www.igidr.ac.in/~barnita/murrep1.pdf

Bagchi, B. (n.d.). Inside Tarini Bhavan: Rokeya Sakhawat Hossain’s Padmarag and the richness of South Asian feminism in furthering unsectarian, gender-just human development. Retrieved from: www.igidr.ac.in/pub/pdf/insidetarini.pdf

Bose, A. (2000). Jammu and Kashmir- Focus on children and women. A statistical profile. Briefing report for UNICEF, New Delhi.

Boyden, J., de Berry, J., Feeny, T. & Hart, J. (2002). Children affected by armed conflict in South Asia: A review of trends and issues identified through secondary research. Oxford: Refugee Studies Centre, University of Oxford.

Dewan, R. (2002). ‘What does Azadi mean to you ?’ In U. Butalia (Ed.) Speaking peace: Women’s voices from Kashmir. London & New York: Zed Books. Pp. 149-161.

Hossain, R.S. (Ed. Jahan, R.) (1988). Sultana’s dream: A feminist utopia. New York: Feminist Press.

Karam, A. (2001). Women in war and peace-building: The roads traversed, the challenges ahead. International Feminist Journal of Politics, 3, 1. Pp 2-25.

Kirk, J. (2003). Impossible fictions: reflexivity as methodology for researching women teachers’ lives in development contexts. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, McGill University, Montreal, Canada.

Koul, S. (2002). The tiger ladies: A memoir of Kashmir. Boston: Beacon Press.

Longwe, S. (1998). Education for women’s empowerment or schooling for women’s subordination. Gender and Development, 6 (2), 19-26.

Madhosh, A. G. (1996). The present turmoil and plight of children in Kashmir. Kashmir University, Faculty of Education/ Indian Ministry of Welfare.

Mattoo, N. (2002). The story of a women’s college in Kashmir. In U. Butalia (Ed.) Speaking peace: Women’s voices from Kashmir. London & New York: Zed Books. Pp.162-170.

Stacki, S. (2002). Women teachers empowered in India: Teacher training through a gender lens. New York: UNICEF.

Sustainable Development Policy Institute (2003). The state of curricula and textbooks in Pakistan. Sustainable Development Policy Institute. Retrieved from: http://www.sdpi.org.

Willinsky, J. (1998). Learning to divide the world: Education at empire’s end. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press.







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[1][1] For further information on the MDGs see: http://www.un.org/millennium/summit.htm

[2][2] Education for All targets were identified as part of the Dakar Framework for Action at the World Education Forum in Dakar, 2000. EFA target 5 is: “Eliminating gender disparities in primary and secondary education by 2005, and achieving gender equality in education by 2015…”. For more information see: http://www.unesco.org/education/efa/index.shtml