WUNRN

http://www.wunrn.com

 

http://www.wsf2008.net/

World Social Forum

Call for Day of Action / Mobilisation

January 26, 2008

 

Photo: Ian  Nixon / New Internationalist

English
Sign now!

Deutsch
Zeichen jetzt!

Français
Signe maintenant!

العربية
التوقيع الآ

日本語
今印

Italiano
Firma ora!


Korean

지금 참여하세요!

Português
Assinar já!

Español
Firma ahora!

Hindi (pdf)
Sign now!

[Signatures] - [Why WSF2008] - [How to get involved]

World Social Forum website - WSF Common space & process

Contact mail: globalaction@wsf2008.net

_________________________________________________

 

 

The World Social Forum (WSF) 2008 will take the form of a week of action culminating in a Global Day of Mobilisation and Action on 26 January 2008 (http://www.wsf2008.net/). For the first time, the WSF will be fully decentralized, meaning that every organization and movement will carry out their own activities where they wish.

 

As in previous years, for the WSF 2008, organizations are joining together as a Human Dignity and Human Rights Caucus (HDHRC) to ensure that human rights issues and values receive due attention.  Contact: coordinationhdhrc@yahoo.com

__________________________________________________________________________


 

Note: 4. Accountability & the Struggle for Gender Equity

 

Human Dignity and Human Rights Caucus

in the World Social Forum

Human Rights “Accountability” and in the

WSF Global Day of Action and Mobilisation and UDHR Commemorations

 

 

  1. Focusing on Accountability
  2. Accountability & Struggles of Habitat, Land and Environment
  3. Accountability & Conflict, Militarization and the Culture of impunity
  4. Accountability & the Struggle for Gender Equity
  5. Accountability & Social and Economic Justice Struggles

1. Focusing on Accountability

Accountability always has been a key theme in the human rights discourse. Focusing on accountability is perhaps especially important at this moment in history, when the process of establishing a legal framework for human rights has been basically concluded, but political commitment to the promotion and protection of human rights seems, in some ways, to be on the wane.

 

Starting with the adoption of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) in 1948, the basic framework of modern international human rights law has been articulated through the drafting of a series of major international and regional human rights treaties. These treaties have been voluntarily ratified by States and, thereby, become legally binding upon those States. However, in many places and in many respects, the level of implementation of the human rights articulated in these instruments remains woefully inadequate. This is an issue of political accountability to the commitments voluntarily made by States to the promotion and protection of human rights.

 

At the same time, the mechanisms for enforcement of human rights remain relatively underdeveloped (especially with regard to economic, social and cultural rights). Even though binding as international law (through the ratification of human rights treaties, or through the application of customary international law), human rights are rarely legally enforceable, except to the extent that they are also recognized in domestic laws and enforced by domestic authorities and courts. At the international level, the powers of most human rights monitoring mechanisms are limited to recommendatory actions. The human rights movement continues to advocate for stronger international mechanisms to promote and protect human rights, and to ensure that all relevant actors (not only states, but also private-sector entities and international organizations) are effectively bound by these obligations. These are issues of legal accountability under human rights law.

 

The implementation gap in the field of human rights is fundamentally an issue of the lack of political and legal accountability to human rights. Focusing on accountability is a response to the implementation challenge.

 

What Does Human Rights Accountability Mean ?

Every State has obligations to respect, protect and fulfill all human rights codified in law. The international human rights Covenants establish the means by which a State party is to ensure that it meets these obligations by applying “over-riding principles” of implementation. As established in the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, any right and the corresponding State obligations can be realized only to the extent that the State ensures:

  1. self-determination (Article 1.1),
  2. nondiscrimination (Article 2.2),
  3. gender equality (Article 2),
  4. rule of law (Article 2.1),
  5. international cooperation (Article 2.1),
  6. progressive realization (Article 2.1) and
  7. applying the maximum of available resources (Article 2.1). 

 

As rights holders, we encourage the State and all public authorities to perform their common human rights obligations, which they have assumed through the State’s ratification of the human rights treaties and under customary law. We recognize also that States are treaty bound and “accountable” to harmonize public policies and national laws with those same principles and obligations. Those principles and obligations actually help governments conduct successful statecraft by formulating and implementing policies that preserve and strengthen the State in the peoples’ service, while building greater internal and external legitimacy and more effective protection from external (and internal) threats and preventing problems, disputes and wider conflicts.

 

In this artful task of fulfilling its human rights obligations, the State and its constituent authorities ultimately are accountable to the peoples under their jurisdiction and effective authority. It is these duties and authority, assured through concomitant accountability, that distinguish government from civil society and make both complementary partners.

 

The Universal Declaration of Human Rights affirms that “every individual and every organ of society” bears the responsibility “to promote respect for these rights and freedoms...by progressive measures, national and international…” Particularly the dimension of the State’s obligation to “protect” requires it to ensure that others (third parties) respect everyone’s human rights.

 

In 2008, the 60th anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, we reaffirm that we are all somehow accountable to conduct ourselves consistent with human rights. State laws, policies and plenary powers regulate our behavior with respect the rights of others. The State also functions to regulate the behavior of other individuals and entities accordingly. However, despite the efforts of human rights through the UN treaty-monitoring bodies, enforcement of State accountability largely remains a local task.

 

The UN Charter makes clear also that States Members of the UN are obliged to conduct themselves through international cooperation consistent with the UN’s purposes: to attain and maintain peace and security, uphold human rights and ensure progressive social development together. The extraterritorial obligations of States under human rights treaties are synonymous with the over-riding principle of international cooperation set forth in the Covenant. For States, the over-riding obligation of “international cooperation” is the least well-defined of the legal norms. Nonetheless, in our globalized world, monitoring this dimension of States’ treaty obligations is increasingly important.

 

While the State and its constituent authorities remain the primary duty holder, accountability is to be shared by all parties concerned. International financial institutions, corporations, multilateral agencies and influential foreign governments theoretically all fall under the same set of human rights accountability norms. The State is accountable for regulating their conduct consistent with its human rights treaty obligations. Part of our local challenge—which we carry with us to the WSF and other alliances—is to bring that theory closer to reality. That can be done, in part, by joining together to improve mechanisms and fortify actions that call to account those many other parties that operate in the current gray area between human rights law and the corresponding obligations.

 

For another world to be possible, States first must be accountable and have sufficient capacity, authority and social orientation to ensure the human rights accountability of other powerful internal and external actors. Otherwise, human rights violations with impunity will be the prevailing norm for governments, multilateral institutions, multinational corporations, the private sector and others not explicitly mentioned in the treaties.

 

 

2. Accountability & Struggles of Habitat, Land and Environment ?[1][1]

 

It is a human right to have access to adequate housing and equitable land use, to access adequate food (i.e., to feed oneself), and to live in a safe and sound environment. Respect for, protection and fulfillment of these rights are among the essential criteria of human civilization, social development, statecraft and international law. Consequently, these also form criteria for ensuring the accountability of States, their institutions and representatives in meeting their binding obligations corresponding to these human rights.

 

Under international law, the State is primarily and always accountable for the policies and practices that affect our common rights to housing, land, habitat and environment. The State is also the focus of struggles over land, habitat and environment related to large-scale development, urban “beautification,” land-use legislation, privatization of social housing and services, military occupation and armed conflict, among others. All these phenomena have become vehicles of deprivation, forced eviction and other forms of violence for impoverished and vulnerable inhabitants of our cities and countryside. They have caused desperate flight or erasure of people and communities unable to survive on the land, and have led to squalid living conditions in apartheid cities that resemble scenes from science fiction.

 

However, the State is not the only accountable party. The causal forces of poverty, squalor, land deprivation and hunger are driven by accountable parties that can be found at all levels of public authority, in foreign governments, multilateral institutions, and private interests, both local and multinational.

In any given struggle over rights to housing, land and environment, the list of duty holders may be long, and/or may vary from case to case and region to region. Nonetheless, violators of these rights are increasingly linked by ideology, material interest or subsidiary connections across borders. They may include:

§      Governments and government blocs;

§      International financial institutions;

§      Parastatal institutions;

§      UN agencies;

§      Development agencies and arrangements;

§      Private and publicly traded corporations;

§      Real estate speculators;

§      Local private interests; e.g., slum lords and land grabbers;

§      Occupying powers and their military forces;

§      Ourselves.

 

All are accountable under common human rights criteria, while the State remains duty bound by law to respect, protect and fulfill rights to adequate housing and equitable land use, to access adequate food (i.e., to feed oneself), and to live in a safe and sound environment. Another world is possible, but only if we practice the culture of accountability by using all of the human rights principles, tools and mechanisms available.

 

We reaffirm our commitment to do so by calling all responsible parties to account on the Global Day of Action, and throughout 2008, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights’ sixtieth anniversary year.

 

 

3. Accountability & Conflict, Militarization and the Culture of impunity

 

 

The Universal Declaration of Human Rights adopted sixty years ago sets out the most fundamental rights of all human beings. While the State is the first duty holder of international human rights law, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights states that all organs of society shall strive to promote respect for human rights. States have an obligation to protect human rights, meaning to ensure that all other actors respect human rights, and are made accountable for human rights violations.

 

The UDHR states that everyone has the right to an effective remedy for acts violating his fundamental rights. This right is also acknowledged by the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights.

 

The entering into force of the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court in July 2002 is an important step in the prosecution of authors of the most serious crimes of international concern, namely genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes. International ad hoc Tribunals established by the United Nations have also contributed to fighting impunity for human rights violations.

 

However, in reality, impunity of authors of human rights violations including the most serious human rights violations remain widespread throughout the world.

 

Accountability of all actors, be they states or non-state actors, such as individuals, corporations, international organisations is fundamental to the respect of human rights and the prevention of further human rights abuses.

 

In order to put an end to impunity, we call upon all states to:

§      Ratify and implement the nine core international human rights instruments;

§      Ratify the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court;

 

1.       Establish effective judicial recourses for victims of human rights abuses;

2.       Conform to their obligation to protect human rights from violations by third parties.

 

Table 1: Non-state parties to the Rome Statute.

 

SIGNATORIES

NON-SIGNATORIES

NON-SIGNATORIES (CON’T)

 

 

 

Algeria

Azerbaijan

Tonga

Angola

Belarus

Tunisia

Armenia

Bhutan

Turkey

Bahamas

Brunei

Turkmenistan

Bahrain

China

Tuvalu

Bangladesh

Cuba

Vanuatu

Cameroon

Ecuador

Vietnam

Cape Verde

El Salvador

 

Chile

Equatorial Guinea

 

Cote d’Ivoire

Ethiopia

 

Czech Republic

Grenada

 

Egypt

Guatemala

 

Eritrea

India

 

Guinea-Bissau

Iraq

 

Haiti

Indonesia

 

Iran

Kazakhstan

 

Israel

Kiribati

 

Jamaica

DPRK

 

Kuwait

Laos

 

Kyrgyzstan

Lebanon

 

Madagascar

Libya

 

Monaco

Malaysia

 

Morocco

Maldives

 

Mozambique

Mauritania

 

Oman

Micronesia

 

Philippines

Myanmar

 

Moldova

Nepal

 

Russian Federation

Nicaragua

 

Saint Lucia

Pakistan

 

Sao Tome and Principe

Palau

 

Seychelles

Papua New Guinea

 

Solomon Islands

Qatar

 

Sudan

Rwanda

 

Syria

Saudi Arabia

 

Thailand

Singapore

 

Ukraine

Somalia

 

UAE

Sri Lanka

 

USA

Suriname

 

Uzbekistan

Swaziland

 

Yemen

Togo

 

Zimbabwe

 

 

 

 

 

 

Table 2: Non-state parties to the Convention Against Torture

 

SIGNATORIES

NON-SIGNATORIES

Comoros

Angola

Dominican Republic

Bahamas

Gambia

Barbados

Guinea-Bissau

Bhutan

India

Brunei

Nauru

CAF

Sao Tome and Principe

Cook Islands

Sudan

Dominica

 

Eritrea

 

Fiji

 

Grenada

 

Haiti

 

Iran

 

Iraq

 

Jamaica

 

Kiribati

 

DPRK

 

Laos

 

Macedonia

 

Malaysia

 

Marshall Islands

 

Micronesia

 

Myanmar

 

Oman

 

Pakistan

 

Palau

 

PNG

 

St Lucia

 

Samoa

 

Saint Kitts and Nevis

 

Rwanda

 

Singapore

 

Solomon Islands

 

Suriname

 

Tanzania

 

Thailand

 

Tonga

 

Trinidad and Tobago

 

Tuvalu

 

UAE

 

Vanuatu

 

Vietnam

 

Zimbabwe

 

Table 3: Non State Parties to the ICCPR

 

SIGNATORIES

NON SIGNATORIES

 

 

China

Antigua-Barbados

Nauru

Saudi Arabia

Sao Tome and Principe

Bahamas

 

Bhutan

 

Brunei

 

Comoros

 

Cook Islands

 

Cuba

 

UAE

 

Fiji

 

Guinea-Bissau

 

Kiribati

 

Laos

 

Malaysia

 

Marshall Islands

 

Micronesia

 

Myanmar

 

Oman

 

Pakistan

 

Palau

 

PNG

 

Qatar

 

Saint Kitts and Nevis

 

Saint Lucia

 

Solomon Islands

 

Samoa

 

Singapore

 

Tonga

 

Tuvalu

 

Vanuatu

 

 

 

4. Accountability & the Struggle for Gender Equity

 

As stated in the United Nations Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), “the full and complete development of a country, the welfare of the world and the cause of peace require the maximum participation of women on equal terms with men in all fields.” Currently the vast majority of the world’s countries are party to CEDAW, meaning that their governments are legally obligated to implement its provisions, reform national legislation accordingly and ensure its application. Despite this broad official support for women’s full participation in society and the end of gender-based discrimination however, ensuring accountability for achieving gender equitable societies remains an uphill battle.

 

CEDAW itself provides a clear example of how official commitments contrast with clear failures in accountability in achieving gender equity. Many countries that have signed CEDAW have done so with reservations that significantly undermine its object and purpose; moreover ratification does not ensure national laws are reformed in a timely manner. The contradiction between normative rights standards and daily accountability failure is also evident in citizenship challenges, in particular the serious human rights violations women migrants face, as both countries of origin and destination deny responsibility for these workers and their families. Another illustrative example is the central “catch 22” that explains why many victims of human trafficking for the sex trade choose not to file charges. Victims must report officially to the police and be prepared to act as a witness in order to get protection and assistance, but may thereby place themselves in danger, since the perpetrator is often part of a powerful network that may seek revenge. These kinds of contradictions also point to basic failures in making rights accessible to ordinary citizens: for example, UN Security Council Resolution 1325 on Women, Peace and Security is a key piece of international law addressing the impact of war on women and women's contributions to conflict resolution and sustainable peace, yet its potential impact remains poorly understood. Analysis of these examples shows that diverse factors continue to drive accountability failure: lack of political will, challenges from cultural and religious conservatives, unwillingness of the judiciary or law enforcement to enforce new laws and the slow pace of change in individual attitudes, amongst others, significantly impede progress in achieving gender equity and respect for women’s human rights.

 

The focus of accountability for human rights is often the creation and application of new national legislation. However, this is just one (often the easiest) step of a long process of societal change – even when those new laws may be the cumulative result of decades of advocacy work. What follows legislative reform is the process of changing individual and community attitudes and promoting new ways for citizens to relate to one another and to their government. Moreover, human rights accountability does not only apply to states; international governmental organisations such as the UN agencies, regional treaty bodies, or IFIs are prime examples of other players whose impact on women’s human rights is indisputable. International and local NGOs, companies including multinationals, and individuals also participate and contribute to the complex power relationships that maintain inequitable societies where women’s rights are not fully respected.

 

On this 60th anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, in which the global community have “reaffirmed their faith in fundamental human rights, in the dignity and worth of the human person and in the equal rights of men and women and have determined to promote social progress and better standards of life in larger freedom,” the members of the Human Dignity and Human Rights Caucus (HDHRC) call on all duty holders to uphold their commitments – legal, moral and otherwise – to protect and promote the human rights of women and to work towards the realisation of gender equity in our societies.

 

 

5. Accountability & Social and Economic Justice Struggles

 

More than two decades ago, the United Nations (UN) General Assembly established the right to development as an inalienable human right. However, the continued growing polarity between rich and poor, Global North and Global South – in terms of both resources and consumption – illustrates how desperately greater accountability is needed on social and economic human rights.

 

While accountability for human rights is often perceived as state responsibility to respect and protect those rights codified in law, we know that many other actors also directly impact their fulfilment, including UN agencies, International Financial Institutions (IFIs), civil society organisations and even individuals. Weighed against the voices of billions of people living in poverty globally are the influence of multinational corporations on domestic public policies, continued dominance of the free market model of economic growth, privatisation of public services and natural resources such as water, and impunity for environmental crimes. Faced with such challenges, we must expand our understanding of accountability in order to achieve social and economic justice.

 

We must press forward in support for social, trade, indigenous and other movements rallying against people’s exclusion from their lands, their enslavement through unjust trade rules and their denied access to fundamental resources. We must be disciplined in using human rights norms to win court cases against multinationals, national governments and others on the right to water, the right to adequate housing or the right to a safe environment. We must ensure the impoverished and excluded have a central role in decision-making that affects their lives. Essentially, we must change the rules of the game. At the WSF 2007 in Nairobi, HDHRC events on social and economic justice struggles emphasised that poverty is a not only a human rights violation, but a social construction that every person must defy. Participating organisations and individuals stated: “We need to engage more holistically to challenge and transform the unequal power structures and relationships that create and perpetuate [poverty].” This is our challenge.

 

Clearly a traditional view of accountability – focused on state responsibility for implementing legal reforms – is not enough. If we continue to do the same human rights and development work, improving only performance and reach, we will make little progress towards the different world the WSF calls for. We must go deeper, challenging our core assumptions about what models, strategies and tools will bring about the more just and equitable world we envision. We must also then develop and implement strategies equipped to contend with and transform the economic and social rights struggles standing between us and such a world, reaching out to all “major” actors responsible, like UN agencies and IFIs. We must hold ourselves accountable for bringing about this change even while we continue to pressure our governments to fulfil their human rights responsibilities.

 

WSF 2008 is the time to stand in protest, to stand ready for engagement, to prepare ourselves for this challenge. The Human Dignity and Human rights Caucus demands that all relevant actors take responsibility for their actions that continue to deprive men and women around the world of their fundamental human rights to an adequate standard of living, to food, water, health, employment and land. We demand that they work with those affected to remedy these violations and provide viable solutions.

 



 

 





================================================================
To leave the list, send your request by email to: wunrn_listserve-request@lists.wunrn.com. Thank you.



[1][1]      One of the six issues of the HDHRC program in the World Social Forum:

1.     Human rights accountability and faith and cultural diversity

2.      Human rights accountability in and struggles for social and economic justice

3.      Human rights accountability and struggles for gender equity

4.      Human rights accountability and struggles over habitat, land and environment

5.      Human rights accountability and Mobility and Citizenship Challenges

6.      Human rights accountability and conflict, militarization and the culture of impunity.