The Netherlands - Status of the Emancipation Process 2006 Report Summary

The Netherlands:

Status of the Emancipation Process 2006: Summary of Key Results

author(s)	Wil Portegijs (SCP), Brigitte Hermans (CBS), Vinodh Lalta (CBS) (eds.)
publication date	12/13/2006
isbn/issn/other	9037702864

abstract

SCP-report 2006/22

summary

Status of the emancipation process: summary of key results

Introduction
Once every two years the Social and Cultural Planning Office (SCP) and Statistics Netherlands (CBS) compile the Emancipation Monitor in order to shed light on the emancipation process. The Monitor presents an array of figures designed to indicate whether the emancipation process is moving in the desired direction. What that desired direction is, is determined by the government and parliament and laid down in the Long-range Policy Plan (Meerjarenbeleidsplan) (TK 2000/2001 and TK 2005/2006). This fourth Emancipation Monitor presents figures on education, paid employment and income, unpaid work, the representation of women in senior positions and violence against women. It also contains three more in-depth chapters which draw comparisons respectively between the Netherlands and other countries in the combination of employment and care tasks, between women in urban and rural areas, and between different generations of women.

This chapter sets out the main findings of this fourth Emancipation Monitor. Given the biannual nature of the Monitor, we are concerned chiefly with developments in the last couple of years. A central place is given to the targets formulated in 2000 for a number of key aspects of emancipation. These targets enable us not only to assess whether the emancipation process has progressed in the desired direction in recent years, but also whether it has done so at the envisaged pace.

Participation in employment
An important objective of emancipation policy is to raise the labour market participation rate of women. The target for 2010 is that 65% of women aged 15-64 years should be employed for at least 12 hours per week. The interim target for 2005 was 58.5%; that target was not achieved. The activity rate of women has been rising in the Netherlands for several years and is high compared with most other EU countries. However, that increase has been faltering in recent years. In 2002 54% of women aged 15-64 had a job for 12 hours a week or more, and this share has not increased since then. During the same period the activity rate of men has fallen, from 76% to 72% in 2005, so that the difference in activity rate between women and men has narrowed. The labour market participation rate of women aged over 45 and of mothers with young children (two partially overlapping groups) has by contrast increased in recent years. Mothers now have a job outside the home almost as often as women without children. The biggest fall in labour market participation is found among young and single women. The activity rate of ethnic minority women is lower than that of indigenous women, and also fell slightly in the period 2003-2005, from 39% to 38%. Women living in rural areas are also less often in paid work than female town-dwellers, but this difference is shrinking rapidly.

Table S.1 Activity rate of women (15-64 years): targets¹ and actual

	2000	2001	2002	2003	2004	2005	2006	2007	2008	2009	2010
target	52.3	53.5	54.8	56	57.3	58.5	59.6	61	62.3	63.5	65
actual	52.0	53.2	53.6	53.9^ⁱ	53.6	54.1

1) Targets are derived from the Long-range Policy Plan 2000 (Meerjarenbeleidsplan 2000). Later budget documents from the Ministry of Social Affairs and Employment (SZW) sometimes cite slightly differing targets. The ultimate target, 65% in 2010, has however remained unchanged throughout.

i In the Emancipation Monitor 2004 a small increase was reported to 55% in 2003. Following the introduction of a new calculation method by CBS in the Labour Force Survey (EBB), the activity rate of women comes to 54% in 2003 as well.

The gross activity rate, i.e. the proportion of women who have or would like to have a job for 12 hours or more per week, has risen slightly in recent years. Finally, another positive trend is that the share of women moving onto incapacity benefit has reduced drastically and is now only slightly higher than among men.

Employment volume
A new objective of emancipation policy is to increase the number of hours that women work. The employment of volume of women (i.e. the average working hours in full-time equivalents of all women aged 15-64 years, including those not in work) was 0.42 FTE in 2005. The target is to raise this to a minimum of 0.50 FTE, which is expected to be the EU average in 2010. It has still to be determined by when this target must be achieved. Meeting it will require that more women go to work and that working women work more hours per week. In this Monitor we have seen that the latter is not yet the case. The proportion of women with small part-time jobs has fallen, but the same also applies for the proportion of women with full-time jobs. The average number of hours worked by employed women fell slightly between 1995 and 2005, from 25.7 hours in 1995 to 25.2 hours in 2003 and 24.9 hours in 2005. Thanks to the increase in the proportion of women with a job in the period 1995-2000, however, the employment volume of women still increased during this period, from 0.37 to 0.42 FTE. As the proportion of working women has hardly increased since then, and the average number of hours worked by employed women has fallen slightly, the employment volume has not risen since 2000. Working women who are looking after young children, in particular, almost always work part-time. Of couples aged 25-49 with children below the age of maturity, both partners were in full-time employment in 6% of cases in 2005, the same as in 2000. But even where there are no young children, couples where both partners work full-time are in the minority (38%); the figure in 2000 was 42%. Working part-time is thus not exclusively the result of a need to adjust working hours whilst looking after young children.

Economic independence and income share of women
In 2004 71% of all women had their own income from employment or benefit. The difference compared with men has never been so small: 79% of men had their own income in 2004. The income women receive from employment is not always sufficient to give them economic independence. 42% of women aged 15-64 years earned at least 70% of the minimum wage in 2004 and were therefore economically independent; the figure for men was 69%. Increasing the proportion of economically independent women is a core objective of the emancipation policy, with the target being that at least 60% of women should be economically independent by 2010. Since neither the labour market participation rate of women nor the average number of hours they work have increased in the recent period, it is not surprising that the proportion of women who are economically independent has also not increased since 2002. The actual share of economically independent women in 2004 was consequently almost 8 percentage points below the target for that year.

Surinamese women are more often economically independent than indigenous women, but among ethnic minority women of Turkish or Moroccan origin only one in five is economically independent. Women in rural areas are slightly less often economically independent than women living in towns.

Table S.2 Economic independence of women (50-64 years): targets¹ and actual

	2000	2001	2002	2003	2004	2005	2006	2007	2008	2009	2010
target	42.5	44.3	46	47.8	49.5	51.3	53	54.8	56.5	58.3	60
actual	39.1	41.2	41.8	41.6	41.7

The proportion of economically independent men declined from 72% in 2001 to 69% in 2004. The difference compared with women is thus reducing, though remains considerable (from 32 percentage points in 2000 to 27 percentage points in 2004).

Another target is to increase the income share of women, so that by 2010 women should be earning 35% of the total personal income from employment. Table 12.3 shows that this share has increased since 2001; in 2004 34% of all personal income was earned by women, which means that the target for 2010 had almost been achieved.

Table S.3 Income share of women (15-64 years): targets and actual

	2000	2001	2002	2003	2004	2005	2006	2007	2008	2009	2010
target											>35
Actual	32				34

In 2004 fewer households had a (lasting) low income than in 2000. In particular, the income position of single-parent families and single persons aged over 65 has improved. As women are overrepresented in these groups, they have been the main beneficiaries of this trend.

No progress has been made in recent years in reducing the gap between the hourly pay rates of women and men. In 2004 women earned 81% of the hourly rate of men. The difference can be attributed partly to differences in education and aspects such as experience. After correction for these variables, a pay differential of 7% remained in the private sector in 2004, the same as in 2002 and 2000. The unexplained pay differential is smaller in the public sector, but has increased in recent years, from 3% in 2000 and 2002 to 4% in 2004.

Unpaid work and combining work and care tasks
Increasing the share taken by men in carrying out care tasks is a key objective of emancipation policy. If more men were to take on care tasks, the expectation is that more women would join the labour market (TK 2005/2006). In 2000 men accounted for 35.2% of the hours spent on household work, looking after children and other family members and DIY activities. The target is that this figure should reach at least 40% by 2010. In reality, in the period 2000-2005 the proportion of time men spent on care tasks increased by only 0.5 percentage points, to 35.7%. In order to achieve the 40% target in 2010 the share taken by men in performing care tasks would thus need to increase by 4.4 percentage points over the next five years. Given the meagre trend in the last ten years, this does not appear likely. On a positive note, the time spent by men caring for children has doubled since 1995. Women are also investing more and more time in looking after children. The growing participation by women in the labour market has thus not taken place at the expense of the time spent on children. The same applies for the time spent by women providing informal care.

Table S.4 Share of men in unpaid work: targets and actual

	2000	2001	2002	2003	2004	2005	2006	2007	2008	2009	2010
target	36.4	36.8	37.1	37.5	37.8	38.2	38.6	38.9	39.3	39.6	>40
actual	35.2				35.7

Source: SCP (TBO 2000,2005)

The idea that mothers have a job as well as looking after a child is becoming more widely accepted. Fewer and fewer women and men believe that being a housewife offers the same degree of satisfaction as paid work. Accordingly, the vast majority of women who become a mother for the first time return to work at the end of their maternity leave. On the other hand, the proportion of women and men who have doubts about women working full-time has been growing since 1991. The proportion of women and men who believe that women are better suited to bringing up young children has also been rising since 1996. A majority of women and men think that working two or three days a week is ideal for a mother, regardless of the age of the children. Not surprisingly, therefore, women with children virtually all work part-time. Moreover, the average number of hours worked by these working mothers is hardly increasing.

A majority of Dutch women and men believe that it is best for a child to be looked after only by its own parents. A large majority are against formal childcare. Only childcare for toddlers is a less sensitive issue; a small majority think it is a good thing for 2-3 year-olds to spend a few days a week in childcare. The resistance to formal childcare has however reduced somewhat since 2002, especially where it concerns care for schoolchildren outside school hours. In line with this trend, the proportion of children placed in formal childcare is increasing steadily. A quarter of 0-3 year-olds spend part of the week in childcare in 2004 (up from 20% in 2000). The proportion is much lower among primary school pupils (6% in 2004), but is also rising. Women and men are also increasingly taking advantage of the possibility of parental leave, though fathers still do this to a much lesser extent than mothers (52% and 28%, respectively, in 2005), while mothers use only half their parental leave entitlement.

Compared with other EU member states, the leave arrangements in the Netherlands are somewhat mean. The Netherlands occupies a middling position as regards the availability of formal childcare facilities. On the other hand, part-time working is much better organised in the Netherlands than in neighbouring countries. National and international research shows that increasing the availability of formal childcare and leave arrangements will not lead to a sharp increase in the proportion of women in work in the Netherlands. The effect of such changes on family formation also appears modest. In Sweden, for example, where both leave arrangements and childcare facilities are much more generous than in the Netherlands, women are virtually the same age as in the Netherlands when they have their first child and the final number of children is also comparable with that in the Netherlands.

Women in senior and decision-making positions
The education level of women is rising. Young women are just as well educated as their male peers and female students in higher and academic education qualify more quickly and more often than their male counterparts. Women are now only slightly underrepresented in academic professions, but table 12.5 shows that this does not apply for the most senior posts. Although the proportion of women in many of the positions cited here is increasing (slightly), the rate of increase is less than had been hoped. This applies, for example, for the share of women in the Upper House of Parliament, the proportion of women on local councils and the proportion of female mayors. By contrast, the proportion of women in the Lower House of Parliament and the European Parliament has increased substantially and the targets for 2006 have (almost) been achieved. This also applies for the proportion of women professors and senior civil servants. The judiciary already comprises almost 50% women, so that the target for 2010 has already been more or less achieved.

Table S.5 Share of women in decision-making positions: targets and actual

	Status			Target
	2000	2002	2004	2006	2005/06	2010
Cabinet	31	18	40	36	40	50
Lower House of Parliament	34	32	39	39	40	50
Upper House of Parliament	28	31	33	29	40	50
European Parliament	36	29	44	44	40	50
Provincial Executive	30	29	29	28	40	50
Local councils	22	24	24	26	40	45
Queen’s Commissioners	0	0	8	8	15	30
Mayors	19	20	20	20	30	40
Water board managements	11	11	13	.	20	30
Council of State	21	13	21	25	30 - 35	40 - 45
Court of Audit	20	20	33	37	30 - 35	40 - 45
External advisory bodies	25	25	26	.	30 - 35	40 - 45
Judiciary	.	.	.	48	50	50
Senior police officers	6	.	10	11	8 - 20	20 - 30
Heads of key Autonomous Administrative Authorities (ZBOs)	6	5	4	3	8 - 20	20 - 30
Top civil servants (> grade 17)	.	12	12	13	17	25
Senior civil servants (15-17)	.	12	14	17	17¹	25¹
Top in industry (Boards of Management and Supervisory Boards of 100 biggest companies)		5 (2001)	4.8 (2003)	6 (2005)	11	20
Top in care/welfare (Board of Management/Supervisory Board)	25	31	29	32	37	45
Top in socio-economic sector (Board of Management/Supervisory Board)	13	14	16	21	22	35

1) The target for senior civil servants of job grades 15-17 was adjusted in 2005. In the Long-range Policy Plan 2000 (Meerjarenbeleidsplan 2000) the target was that 30% of posts at these job grades would be occupied by women in 2010. The revised Long-range Policy Plan 2005 makes no distinction between top civil servants and senior civil servants, and the target figure for top civil servants applies for the whole group.

The proportion of female numbers of ethnic minorities in local councils increased sharply at the 2006 elections.

Horizontal gender segregation
Women are frequently employed in different sectors from men. This can have consequences for their income and their employment prospects. Moreover, employers have difficulty finding enough technical staff, and a greater interest by women in some traditional male occupations would be very welcome. Breaking through this horizontal gender segregation is one of the objectives of the emancipation policy. In this Monitor we have seen that little progress has been made in this area. The segregation in the choice of study subjects by girls and boys has hardly changed, and on the labour market, too, the unbalanced distribution of women across sectors and occupations has not reduced.

Violence against women and girls
Increasing the safety of women and girls is an important objective of the emancipation policy. Figures on the incidence of violence against women and girls are however few and far between. The number of women who report in periodic victim surveys that they have been victims of abuse or sexual violence remains constant. The number of reports of domestic violence has increased, but it is unclear whether this should be seen as an indication that this type of violence is increasing or as a sign that the acceptance of this kind of violence is reducing.

Conclusion
At the end of this fourth Emancipation Monitor, we have to conclude that while progress has been made on some elements of the emancipation process, the situation has more often remained static. The growth we saw on all kinds of fronts in the 1990s weakened at the start of the present century and has come to a halt in many areas in the last couple of years. The stagnation on a number of key aspects of the emancipation process is due in small part to the weak economy in the last few years. However, the views of women and men appear to pose a more important obstacle. The one and a half earner model is the new gold standard, in which women spend fewer hours working outside the home than men and carry out (virtually) all the care tasks. The activity rate of women could increase further if employers were to offer their employees greater scope to tailor their working hours to their care tasks. Whether the present imbalanced distribution of tasks actually corresponds with the wishes of women and men is in fact by no means certain. It is perfectly possible that we are dealing here with a new set of assumed inevitabilities, which individual women and men have difficulty in escaping. An analysis of this power of assumption could provide greater clarity on this point. It is unfortunate that this power perspective has been pushed completely into the background by the present emancipation policy.