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CRIMES OF HONOR BOOK - "BEYOND HONOUR"
Dr. Tahira S. Khan
tahira2tahira@yahoo.com
 
http://www.dawn.com/weekly/books/archive/060924/books1.htm
 
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DAWN - September 24, 2006

Dark shadows

This research-based book clears the misconception that honour-related violence against women occurs only in Asian and African Muslim countries. It attempts to explain the origin and persistence of the honour code through the study of histories of religious, legal, social and political institutions, from ancient times to the present day


Dr Tahira S. Khan writes about the role of legal codes developed in ancient and modern times regulating the moral life of people

Going back into the history of legal institutions we find that penal codes and religious sanctions were particularly developed to regulate the sexual and moral life of communities. They present a clear picture of unequal punishments for men and women for committing moral/sexual crimes such as adultery, fornication, rape, etc. Modern liberal feminist researchers propose that these legal inequalities were a major cause of women’s historical oppression and subservience. While agreeing with this proposition partially, I take the Marxist materialist approach and raise a question: do legal inequalities precede economic inequalities or do economic inequalities give birth to uneven and unjust legal codes? A critique of legal decrees, practices, penal codes, and ethical/philosophical writings also depict social conditions, moral values and societal attitudes towards women’s “im/proper” sexual conduct ...

Overall, legal and moral codes had been misogynistic, pro-male, repressive regarding female sexuality, and lenient regarding male sexual practices.

Most of the writings mention the rights of sons but not daughters. Hardly anywhere have daughters been mentioned regarding property rights (the Egyptian civilisation is an exception). One can easily trace the roots of the “son preference” phenomenon in ancient times, which is present even today in many Asian and African societies. Sons, in addition to material property and wealth, were very precious assets.

Regarding the misogynistic clauses and gender-based legal inequalities present in the ancient penal codes, we start with the Code of Hammurabi. Showing the importance and value of sons, the Code of Hammurabi mentions “If any one steals the minor son of another, he shall be put to death.” There is no mention of daughters being stolen. It can be interpreted in two ways: sons were the precious holding of each family and they were being stolen, but daughters, due to their non-value, were never stolen. Or, if they were, it was not thought important to punish the culprit.

Marriage patterns are easy to understand by examining the Code of Hammurabi. Fathers and brothers had authority to arrange girls’ marriages. The institution of dowry existed, in which some valuables were given to the woman to be taken to the husband’s house. In addition, in most cases, the husband had to pay a bride price. Both institutions (dowry and bride price) existed simultaneously. There was no concept of romantic love as a factor for marriage. Primarily, calculations of economic and social status were made during marriage arrangements.

Punishments for female sexual misconduct were exceptionally harsher than those for males. The act of adultery by a woman was a capital crime. “If a man’s wife be surprised (in flagrante delicto) with another man, both shall be tied and thrown into the water, but the husband may pardon his wife and the king his slaves.” Here it is important to note the mode of punishment for adulterous people. Further, the Code says: “If a man brings a charge against one’s wife, but she is not surprised with another man, she must take an oath and then may return to her house.”

The Code further deals with the false accusation of adultery against a woman. “If the ‘finger is pointed’ at a man’s wife about another man, but she is not caught sleeping with the other man, she shall jump into the river for her husband [to prove her innocence].”

Punishment is prescribed only in the event of a wife’s act of adultery, not for adultery committed by a husband. Further, lax sexual relationships are crimes mostly when a woman is married; for female slaves or concubines, there is no restriction or punishment under the clauses of adultery. There is not much mention of fornication by unmarried young girls or single women.

Strict monogamy was observed for women and polygamy was exclusively allowed to men. Rape was recognised as a crime and the penalty for such an act was capital punishment …

Rape was a bigger crime when the issue of virginity was at stake. Besides the punishments for adultery, women were subject to harsher treatment by their husbands regarding their marital duties. In other words, domestic violence was sanctioned. Men were allowed to discipline and tame their women. “If she is not innocent but leaves her husband, and ruins her house, neglecting her husband, this woman shall be cast into the water.”

Due to an economic system that was based on the ownership of private property, the issue of inheritance and paternity was at the centre of the penal code regarding regulating female sexuality and morals ...

Practices such as divorce or remarriage of widows were legal and accepted socially. However, we do not find acceptance of such practices in the ancient Hindu religion in South Asia. Hindu religious penal codes have been notable for their opposition to the re-marriage of widows and the harsh treatment of widows even today.

A few centuries later (1650-1500BC), another legal code, the Code of the Nesilim, was developed by the Hittites. Again we find a set of laws emphasising status and class-consciousness, in which female sexuality was very much controlled and watched, compared to male sexual freedom. Romantic love was not a factor for a male and female to marry. Determination of paternity was at the centre of the family institution. Harsh restrictions were imposed on sexual interaction between the free/mistress (female owners of slaves) women and slave or freed men. On the contrary, the relationship between a free man and female slave was not forbidden as long as the man had control of the children …

About four centuries later, we find the Code of the Assura (circa 1075BCE) in which there are penalties and regulations regarding the control of female sexuality, marriage, and paternity. The issue of marriage is settled through the male members of the family and there is no place for marriage based on romantic love. There is a clear difference between the punishment for rape and the punishment given to an adulterous woman. In the case of rape, there is capital punishment for the rapist of a married woman but there is no punishment at all for the rapist of an unmarried woman or female slave. It looks as if a free woman as a wife had higher status in Assyrian society than an unmarried or enslaved woman. How do we interpret such distinction? The married woman’s womb was actually the property of her husband, and the husband as well as the legal system, wanted to determine the paternity of the child born in that marriage so the child could be considered the legitimate heir of the father's property, class, prestige, and rank in society ...

Records of ancient societies prove they were very class and status conscious and social stratification was created and guarded through religious decrees and legal codes. Dress codes and veiling/head scarves were used to make distinction between the elite women and “loose or slave women”.

The purpose of such dress codes was to keep unrelated men away from the women of the elite and to curtail their social mobility by making them distinctive through different dresses …

We see how society was divided on the basis of gender, but gender was further divided by the socio-economic class of women. Women and men were divided, and women were further divided on the basis of their dress, their outlook, and their appearance.

The construction of the honour/shame schema relating to female sexuality was already in the offing about four millennia ago. Devices for the control and discipline of female sexuality and body for the assurance of the exact paternity of the children for materialistic motives were already introduced long ago, starting in the time of Hammurabi and present in various forms in many subsequent civilisations ...

A survey of the conditions of women in the ancient civilisation of Egypt provides some distinct features and differences that women faced in Egypt compared with other contemporary or predecessor civilisations. Socio-economically, Egyptian society was divided into sharp classes and different ranks, but there were fewer gender divisions among the classes.

It appears that “Egyptian women seem to have the same legal and economic rights as Egyptian men — at least in theory. Egyptian women had property rights, unlike women of the civilisations ... There was no social stigma for out-of-wedlock children. There is do mention of veils or headscarves anywhere in the legal codes. Physical mobility was not restricted. In contrast to the civilisations discussed previously, Egyptian society seems more tolerant, and less gender biased. But we must not forget the discriminatory status of women in different classes. We cannot expect the same liberties and equal status for women in the lower classes, or enslaved women. If not gender, then class was the major factor of women’s oppression.

Let us proceed towards another grand era of human history — Ancient Rome, which, in fact, made a deep impact on the lives and status of women during the early centuries after Christ. Socio-ethical boundaries regarding female and male interaction had been constructed and restrictions on female sexual behaviour had already been imposed in previous or contemporary civilisations.

Now, however, more strict and novel devices were invented to strengthen the control on women.

Stricter dress codes and observation of veiling were compulsory for free and elite women. The distinction between the appearances and attitudes of free and elite women and female slaves or freed lower-class women was maintained purposely. The husband’s harshness in marital life was increased and encouraged gradually. The major source of information on female sexuality and penal codes here is the information available on the internet.

In the first century AD, economic extravagance and adultery were widespread in Rome. Emperor Augustus introduced stricter laws regarding sexual morality and introduced provisions establishing adultery as a crime ...

Not only were fathers and husbands given legal permission to kill their daughters and wives in case they committed adultery; brothers (who had paternal powers) were also allowed to take action against their sisters. “If a son under paternal power, who is the father, should surprise his daughter in the act of adultery, while it is inferred from the words of the law that he cannot kill her, still, he ought to be permitted to do so.”

In Roman law we find historical clues to the development of the honour/passion code as a mitigating factor for the lighter punishment for the murderer of a wife or daughter in today’s world. Present day legal codes and judiciary recognise the factor of honour and passion as a genuine excuse to reduce the punishment for the male perpetrator. Roman law says, “It has been decided that a husband who kills his wife when caught with an adulterer should be punished more leniently, for the reason that he committed the act through impatience caused by just suffering.” …

The rules for veiling and the dress code were accompanied by the expectation of obedience to the husband as well as avoiding social interaction with unequal males and females in society ... Besides the imposition of greater restrictions on female sexuality, women’s social interaction was also being regulated and disciplined. The mode of punishment for female deviance or disobedience was also going through a change. In the Hammurabi and Assyrian codes, capital punishment was a normal practice. Now, the “tool of divorce” was being used more frequently against the disobedient woman. A woman’s disobedience was not only related to her sexual acts. Her social activity, without the prior permission of her husband, was also considered an act of disobedience that could be punished by divorce …

The above mentioned punishments for disobedient wives were in addition to capital punishment for the act of adultery, which had existed centuries before the Roman laws. The right of a husband to kill his wife caught committing adultery had already been recognised by the second century AD ...

It was actually a male conspiracy to maintain the upper hand on women, whether they were daughters or wives. Fathers made sure that the husbands of their daughters had the upper hand on their wives and would not allow the power hierarchy to be disturbed. There are, thus, very visible commonalities between the perceptions of women of the later Roman period and those of early Christian philosophers, as well as between the Muslim historians and philosophers’ writings during the early and later Islamic period.

A woman’s obedience to her parents and husband, virginity and chastity, veiling, and tolerance of a husband’s physical violence have all been matters of concern for the male religious clergy of all three major patriarchal religions and their legal codes. Women, whether living in ancient or contemporary times, or in East or West, have been socialised to internalise and follow these basic male-dictated tenets.

A philosopher of Greek origin, Plutarch lived in Rome during the first century AD. Besides recording the general perception prevailing in Roman society toward women in general, Plutarch himself preached his beliefs about the need for women’s obedience, the importance of veiling, and the virtues of virginity and chastity. Plutarch accepted the subordinate status of women. His ultimate message was that the “woman is still like a child. A wife’s husband is both her father and her mother.” In Plutarch’s writings we find early traces of the concept of a dress code for women …

By the seventh century, with the advent of Islam as another major monotheistic religion, we see the narrowing of the free-slave divide to the point that there were almost no restrictions on marriages between slaves and free men and women.

The biggest marital restriction for Muslim women was that they could not marry non-Muslim men, until they converted to Islam. A man’s status as slave or free and his ethnic or tribal affiliation did not matter. But for Muslim men even the restriction of religious faith was removed and Muslim men could marry Jewish or Christian women without them converting to Islam.

The same marriage rules of restricted choices for Muslim women and broader choices for Muslim men to marry non/Muslim persons chalked down in the early days of Islam still apply to males and females in present Muslim societies. Besides, in both great religions, Islam and Christianity, there was not any concept of romantic love as a primary or necessary motive for marital union in the early centuries, nor has there been any endorsement by religious authorities of romantic love for today’s generation. An interesting point here is that even 14 centuries ago Islam never condemned or rejected romantic love as a force between a couple in the decision to be married. But one can observe a striking difference in actual marital laws and practices: among Christian communities (especially in the West), romantic love has been recognised as the only legitimate motive for a couple to marry, while on the contrary, such a development has not occurred in today’s Muslim societies, whether living in the East or the West.

Muslim elders are strongly hostile to the idea of marriage based on romantic love or affection between two youngsters. Why did the two religious communities take divergent paths regarding the matrimonial decisions of their younger generations? What kind of impact has it made on male and female dynamics in Muslim communities? And our mega question: Does romantic love have anything to do with honour crimes, especially against girls and unmarried adolescent women? …

The nature of discriminatory laws and misogynistic religious attitudes toward female sexuality and women’s status in the family and society was not a totally new phenomenon introduced by Islam. In one way or another, every practice and law related to women in Islam had been present in previous civilisations and religions in various forms. In today’s world, Islam is notorious for its endorsement and acceptance of laws regarding polygamy, repudiation (man’s exclusive right to divorce his wife on the spot), physical segregation, dress code (veiling), rejection of out-of-wedlock children, stigma about premarital sex, emphasis on virginity, submission of wives and daughters to family men, and, adultery ... All such discriminatory laws and restrictions on female sexuality existed before Islam, most of the time in a more derogatory way.



Excerpted with permission from
Beyond Honour: A Historical Materialist Explanation of Honour Related Violence
By Dr Tahira S. Khan
Oxford University Press, Plot # 38, Sector 15, Korangi
Industrial Area, Karachi
Tel: 111-693-673.
Email: ouppak@theoffice.net
Website: www.oup.com.pk
ISBN 0-19-597902-8
361pp. Rs495
Available through Amazon
 & Barnes & Noble




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