Since the 1980s, labour migration
has been increasingly feminized in East and Southeast (hereafter
E/SE) Asia. By the beginning of the twenty-first century, more than
two million women were estimated to be working in the region,
accounting for one third of its migrant population. Most female
migrants are in reproductive occupations such as domestic work and
sex services, in private households and informal commercial sectors.
Despite the great need to protect their welfare and human rights,
governments of their destination countries view migrants as merely a
workforce to meet labour shortages, and ignore protective measures
and gender-sensitive policies. Under pressure to increase foreign
revenues, labour-source countries encourage their women to migrate
and remit their earnings from aborad, but in the face of global
competition, governments of source countries have shown little
interest in their migrant women's welfare. In the context of the
E/SE Asian countries' bleak records of human rights practices,
non-state actors have assumed increasing importance in advocating
migrants' rights, which they have done through local and
transnational networks.
Feminized, and therefore gendered, migration in
E/SE Asia has its roots in the region's rapid but uneven economic
development, which is characterized by the inequality and conflict
that differences of gender, class and nationality produce. The
transfer of foreign women within the region from the low-income
economies (the Philippines, Indonesia, Viet Nam, Pakistan,
Bangladesh among others) to the high-income ones (Singapore,
Malaysia, Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (SAR), Taiwan
Province of China, the Republic of Korea and Japan) intensifies
existing gender inequality, economic injustice and ethnic
discrimination. International migration is, however, a contradictory
process that, while providing migrant women with opportunities for
social mobility, also subjects them to abuses and exploitation. The
majority of Asia's migrant women are independent contract workers
seeking employment abroad in order to augment family incomes and
personal savings. Empowerment results from their everyday resistance
to existing power structures, and from the opportunity to accumulate
individual and collective resources. An
analysis of Asia's immigration policies and women's migration
patterns reveals six widely recognized and designated categories and
characteristics of the women involved:
· domestic workers ·
entertainers (sex workers) ·
unauthorized workers · immigrant wives
· Skilled workers · workers who share an ethnic heritage with that of the
host population (such as Japanes-Brazilians in Japan and
Korean-Chinese in the Republic of Korea).
These six categories of migrant women differ
from one another in the conditions of their border crossing,
employment and legal protection, and they therefore differ in the
way they resist the unequal and discriminatory practices they
encounter at their destinations. Consequently, concerned citizens
and non-governmental organizations choose different civil actions
and counteractive measures to enhance migrant women's rights. The
governments of labour-importing states in S/SE Asia vary in their
political tolerance of civil-society activities. There are thus
significant differences in the capacities and resources that their
civil societies have for collective action.
The existing literature inidcates three levels
of effectiveness of civil actions and women's resistance in Asia.
The first is found in Singapore and Malaysia., where strict
immigration policies, rigid labour contract systems and low degrees
of state tolerance for civil activism severely curtail pro-migrant
actions. The second level characterizes Japan and the Republic of
Korea, where tight border controls and large numbers of undocumented
workers, combined with relatively high degrees of tolerance for
collective action, allow many groups and organizations to challenge
state authority and provide legal and cultural assistance to
migrants. The third level is manifest in Hong Kong SAR, where
despite a strict immigration policy and rigid labour contract
system, the British colonial legacy permits migrants to openly
pursue economic rights and collective action. The frequency of
demonstrations by migrants, especially Filipino domestic workers in
Hong Kong SAR, highlights the importance of transnational networking
that links migrants in sending and receiving countries. The growing
presence of a transnational advocacy movement throughout Asia
facilitates the efforts of civil organizations to enhance migrants'
rights and welfare.
In conclusion, feminized migration has increased
inequality and injustice based on gender, class and nationality in
Asia. It has also, however, opened up opportunities for migrant
women to increase family incomes and for Asia's growing civil
society to challenge oppressive policies and practices affecting
migrants. Although many legal and institutional barriers to social
justice remain in labour-importing countries, civil actions by
citizens and migrants comprise significant steps toward the
realization of migrant workers'
rights. |