WUNRN
The Association for Women's Rights in Development
When culture overrides the law: Does 'rights talk' always get
results?
By Kathambi Kinoti - AWID
The gulf between the law and
practice
Most women's rights practitioners would agree that getting
progressive laws
passed to protect women's rights is difficult, but the real
battle is in
getting them implemented. This is the reason why the Convention
on the
Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW)
for
instance, has comprehensive reporting requirements from each state that
is
party to the treaty.
Around the world, particularly in the global
South, there are numerous
examples of negative cultural practices and
restrictive interpretations of
religious norms prevailing over the
law:
- In South Africa, despite a recent ban on virginity testing, the
practice
continues unabated, with traditional leaders like King Goodwill
Zwelithini
openly expressing defiance. [1]
- In Pakistan, there is the
notorious case of Mukhtar Mai, the woman who
was reportedly gang-raped on the
orders of a jirga allegedly as a
punishment for sexual offence her brother
had committed. [2]
- In Guinea, since 1965, female genital mutilation has
been a crime
punishable by death, yet the overwhelming majority of young
girls still
undergo the practice. [3]
Traditional legal mechanisms
still prevalent
Most of the countries where there is a gap between the
law and practice
were colonized by Northern powers who introduced a legal
system that
mirrored the system in their own countries and largely ignored
the
extensive bodies of traditional law of the colonized people. The new
laws
therefore did not take adequate account of the power wielded by culture
and
traditional modes of
governance, a power that exists to date and
continues to be overlooked. A
2002/3 UNIFEM study in Somalia showed that most
people, even before the
collapse of the Somali state in 1991, were far more
likely to refer their
disputes to the council of elders (known as 'guurti')
than to the courts.
During the war and the reconstruction of the country, the
elders performed
an indispensable role in maintaining social order.
Sometimes, even if
people would like to access the protection of the state,
it is practically
impossible. In some parts of Kenya such as the vast,
underdeveloped Turkana District, government services are stretched so
thin
that people would have to walk for hundreds of kilometres to get to
a
police station. Traditional all-male councils of elders in these and
many
other communities around the world perform a vital quasi-legislative
and
judicial role, but at the same time perpetuate discrimination against
women
and violation of women's human rights. Customary law in most
traditional
societies is unwritten, obtained from the usually unreliable
memory of the
elders, and often applied on an ad-hoc basis.
The simple
juxtaposition of a new legal system alongside the ancient system
did not
necessarily automatically win people over to the 'Western' way of
thought.
Also, it has been argued that one of the reasons for the gap
between laws in
the books and the
practice on the ground may be the 'culture of rights.' [4]
Although human
rights are unquestionably rooted in the inherent dignity of
every
individual, for some people the culture of rights is associated with
a
Western worldview because the articulation of the universal human rights
at
an international level has in the past been, and continues to be driven
by
European and North American countries. So in condemning aspects
of
'Western' culture such as 'sexual permissiveness' proponents of
traditional
practices such as virginity testing and female genital mutilation
point to
the value of 'protecting women's honour.' They also stress their
human
right to practise their culture. Cultural relativism has also
encouraged
the continuation of cultural practices that violate human
rights.
Rights talk versus culture talk
Mahmood Mamdani, uses
the following example to illustrate how different
cultures may perceive the
same violation:
''Imagine that a man slaps a woman in rural
KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa. At the same time another man slaps a woman
in
a popular neighbourhood in Khartoum [Sudan], and yet a third does the
same
in a classroom at the Sorbonne in Paris. All three women protest: the
woman
in Paris that her rights have
been violated, the woman in Khartoum
that her dignity has been violated,
and the woman in KwaZulu-Natal that
custom has been violated. Every victim
protests. But the language of protest
is different in each case.'' [5]
According to Mamdani, the language of
protest bears a
relationship to the language of power, and therefore to
understand why
protest employs the language of rights in Paris, dignity in
Khartoum, and
custom in KwaZulu-Natal we must remember that power claims to
uphold rights
in Paris, dignity in Khartoum and
custom in KwaZulu-Natal.
If his premise is correct, then the power structures in
traditional
communities such as those in KwaZulu-Natal will uphold custom
over right,
while the Islamic structures in Khartoum will uphold dignity over
custom,
and the secular structures in Paris will uphold right over custom
or
dignity. The question for women's rights advocates then becomes: How do
we
appropriately appeal to the overriding values of the different
power
structures in order to protect women's rights?
In Europe it is
recognized that some practices that are said to be based on
religious beliefs
have a negative effect on women, both women native to
Europe and immigrants.
Often the line between culture and religion is
blurred. The Committee on
Equal
Opportunities for Men and Women of the Council of Europe recently
passed a
resolution calling for European states to protect their resident
women in
Europe against rights violations done in the name of religion. [6]
It
proposes specific policy and legislative measures, such as refusing
to
accept cultural and religious relativism, and enforcing policies
against
honour killings and female genital mutilation. While this may work
in
Europe, other ways to engage the real power structures in the global
South
will have to be explored. In Turkana, Kenya, one women's NGO, the
Turkana
Women Conference Centre has been training women, to perform
paralegal
duties in their local communities. Taking into account the
pervasiveness of
traditional dispute resolution structures, they have
explored ways to gain
credibility in their communities by working within the
system instead of
confronting it head-on. They report that they now sit in on
local councils,
convened by administrative chiefs, and their input is sought
on
resolving disputes involving women. However, they are not an integral
part
of the system, and act more as advisors. This approach does not
challenge
the contravention of women's equal right to representation, but it
does
bring gains for women's rights. It raises the question whether human
rights
are an end in themselves, a means to the end of social justice, or
both.
It is clear that the current human rights framework is not
adequately
curbing traditional practices that are harmful to women. Yet
compromising
women's rights is not an option. Women's rights advocates must
explore
alternative ways of achieving the end of protection of the human
rights and
dignity of
women.
--------------------
Notes:
1. See La Franiere,
Sharon. 'Tradition binds African women, despite laws,'
New York Times,
Sunday, January 1, 2006. http://www.whrnet.org/
2.
http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/south_asia/4223436.stm
3. Ibid note 1.
4.
Nhlapo, Thandabantu. 'The African customary law of marriage and the
rights
conundrum,' ''Beyond Rights Talk and Culture Talk,'' Cape Town:
David Philip
Publishers, 2000.
5. Mamdani, Mahmood, ed. ''Beyond Rights Talk,'' op.cit. p.
1.
6. Report of the Committee on Equal Opportunities for Women and
Men,
September 16, 2005. Doc 10670, Council of Europe.
http://assembly.coe.int/Documents/WorkingDocs/doc05/EDOC10670.htm
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